Chalkbeat

Colorado budget committee plans aid for schools enrolling more migrant students

2024-02-14T22:25:39+00:00

This story has been updated to include a comment from the governor.

Colorado lawmakers on the powerful Joint Budget Committee want to provide some financial assistance to schools grappling with educating an influx of migrant students this year.

The idea from state Rep. Emily Sirota, a Denver Democrat who sits on the committee, would allocate up to $24 million, to be split among school districts that have enrolled newly arrived students after the October cutoff date that determines districts’ per-pupil funding. But the funding would be far less than what the state provides to educate a student.

The budget committee, which plays a major role in how the state spends its money, voted unanimously earlier this month to draft a bill allocating the funds.

Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and vice chair of the committee, said she plans to co-sponsor the bill once it’s ready. The bill has not yet been introduced.

In a statement, a spokesperson for Gov. Jared Polis said he’s working with the legislature on a proposal to provide additional funding for school districts that have new arrivals after the October count date.

Public school enrollment in Colorado: Here’s what you need to know

The state annually adjusts districts’ education funding up or down during the legislative session based on each district’s student enrollment on Oct. 1. But the surge in migrant students since the official count has overwhelmed many districts and prompted calls from school leaders for more aid to teach recent arrivals.

Sirota said while the state doesn’t have an exact tally, she’s heard estimates of up to 8,000 new student arrivals statewide since October. Some schools have needed to increase class sizes and have a greater need for services that help English learners, she said.

“This crisis is being felt across our cities, counties, and the state,” she said.

The state money would be a one-time infusion for districts. Joint Budget Committee members have said they want to ensure school districts wouldn’t need to apply for the money, but instead would have to provide the state with a tally of eligible students.

How much money districts would get likely will depend on whether the committee decides to allocate the full $24 million Sirota has proposed and how many newly arrived students have enrolled statewide since the October count.

The $24 million sum is not a calculation of how much it costs to fully educate the migrant students in Colorado. Rather, it is money the state would otherwise put in its savings account for education. Increasing local tax revenue means the state needs to spend $24 million less on schools this year than anticipated.

The proposed bill would reallocate those funds, but committee members have said they want to also find other funding sources.

The extra money would help districts, but it would be less than the $10,614 per student, on average, they get for students who are enrolled during the October count.

Sirota said funding is tight this year, especially when there are many competing budget priorities. But the extra funding would help districts bearing the brunt of the costs.

“I want to help our districts better absorb the costs that they are incurring with so many new students who are new to the country that they have taken on since October,” she said.

States across the country have seen a spike in recent migrant arrivals. The Denver area has dealt with the brunt of those arrivals.

In Denver Public Schools, migrant student enrollment has ballooned by more than 3,200 of these young people since the start of the school year. Many arrived after the October count that determined state per-student funding sent by the state.

The impact has also been uneven within the district. New students are concentrated in about two dozen of Denver’s schools.

But schools and cities across the metro area and state are reporting more students arriving every day, either from families moving to find work or recently coming to the state. The influx has caused financial shortfalls and pushback from some communities.

Correction: This story has been corrected to update the per pupil figure districts get from the state.

Jason Gonzales is a reporter covering higher education and the Colorado legislature. Chalkbeat Colorado partners with Open Campus on higher education coverage. Contact Jason at jgonzales@chalkbeat.org.

Inside a Colorado bill to provide extra funding to school districts serving migrant students

2024-03-16T00:37:32+00:00

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All Colorado school districts that have enrolled any migrant students since the Oct. 1 school funding cutoff date would get extra money — between $15,000 and $750,000 per district — under a draft bill approved unanimously on Friday by the powerful Joint Budget Committee.

But districts where the new arrivals have caused a net increase in students — meaning the district has more students now than on Oct. 1 — would get the most extra money. Those districts could get as much as an additional $4,500 for every newly arrived student.

The bill allocates $24 million to be distributed by May 31 to districts that have enrolled what it calls “new arrival students,” or students who moved to the United States less than a year ago, are not proficient in English, and are attending a U.S. school for the first time.

The city of Denver alone has served more than 39,000 new arrivals from Venezuela and other South American countries since it began keeping track more than a year ago, including families with children who have enrolled in public schools.

The details of how the $24 million would be doled out are somewhat complicated. First, there is a tiered system of lump sum payments to school districts based on the number of new arrival students they’ve enrolled since the October count. Districts would get:

$15,000 if they’ve enrolled between one and five new arrival students
$30,000 if they’ve enrolled between six and 10 new arrival students
$75,000 if they’ve enrolled between 11 and 30 new arrival students
$125,000 if they’ve enrolled between 31 and 50 new arrival students
$200,000 if they’ve enrolled between 51 and 100 new arrival students
$400,000 if they’ve enrolled between 101 and 200 new arrival students
$550,000 if they’ve enrolled between 201 and 500 new arrival students
$750,000 if they’ve enrolled 500 or more new arrival students

On top of that, districts with a net increase in enrollment would get $4,500 per student. Here’s where it gets complicated: Districts with a net increase would either get $4,500 for each migrant student they’ve enrolled or $4,500 per student based on the net increase, whichever is lesser.

If the $24 million isn’t enough to cover the costs, the bill says state officials can reduce the $4,500 per student to a lower dollar amount. If calculations show there will be leftover money, state officials could increase the $4,500 to a higher dollar amount.

State Rep. Emily Sirota, a Denver Democrat who sits on the budget committee, said in a text message that she’s happy that the bill could provide relief for districts statewide that are dealing with a “very out of the ordinary influx of new to country students arriving.”

Lawmakers have been working on the bill for over a month, debating various ways to dole out the $24 million. Sirota said the tiered funding proposal acknowledges districts incur fixed costs to educate any and all newly arrived students.

Friday’s vote by the budget committee finalized the language of the bill, but it has yet to be filed for consideration by the full Colorado General Assembly.

“I know my colleagues, our school districts, and our educators are going to be very excited to shepherd this bill across the finish line in the coming weeks,” Sirota said.

The funding is less than what school districts get for each student enrolled on Oct. 1: $10,614 on average. However, budget committee members wanted to earmark the $24 million to provide some relief for districts struggling with the extraordinary influx — money the districts would never get otherwise. (Students who stay enrolled next year will be factored into the school funding formula, and school districts will get money for those students.)

“This sudden influx has strained existing school infrastructure and staffing, led to overcrowded classrooms, stretched resources, and increased complexity to the student learning environment,” the bill says.

The bill also acknowledges that newly arrived students may need extra services, including English language development classes, mental health support, and more. Some may have been out of school for long stretches of time and need help catching up academically.

“New arrival students face unique challenges, including language barriers, cultural adjustments, and various academic backgrounds,” the bill says. “These unique challenges require specialized resources and support services.”

How much funding districts might get under the bill

Denver Public Schools and Aurora Public Schools have enrolled the most migrant students since the October count, according to data obtained through open records requests.

Denver has enrolled an additional 2,340 newcomer students, and Aurora has enrolled an additional 1,366 migrant students. Denver’s numbers were as of March 4, while Aurora’s were as of Feb. 29. The bill uses Feb. 29 as the date to calculate the difference between October count enrollment and how many students districts are serving now.

Accounting for students who left the districts between the October count and those dates, Denver had a net increase of 1,025 students, while Aurora had a net increase of 727 students.

Under the legislation, Denver Public Schools would get a lump sum of $750,000 for the 2,340 newcomers it has enrolled. The district would also get $4.6 million for the 1,025 net increase based on the $4,500 per student formula.

In Aurora’s case, the district would also get $750,000. And the district would get about $3.3 million for its total increase of students since the October count.

Most other districts that have enrolled more than 100 migrant students since the October count had either a much smaller net increase or a net decrease.

For instance, as of Feb. 29, the suburban Cherry Creek School District had enrolled an additional 532 newly arrived students since the October count. But the district has had a net decrease of 41 kindergarten through 12th grade students since Oct. 1.

Greeley-Evans School District 6 had enrolled 488 more migrant students, but only had a net increase of eight K-12 students. Adams 12 Five Star Schools had enrolled 389 additional students, but its school population only grew by 42 students.

And Jeffco Public Schools and Mapleton Public Schools had net decreases, despite enrolling 382 and 140 more new arrivals, respectively.

The student influx creates financial challenges for schools across the state, Brett Johnson, chief financial officer for Aurora Public Schools, said in an interview before the bill text was approved.

“There’s a real and specific impact of these 1,200 kids who have enrolled in our schools in terms of hiring new staff, repurposing classrooms for those schools,” Johnson said. “And those are real costs that are being incurred in real time.”

The challenges remain even in districts that have net decreases in overall enrollment.

A Cherry Creek spokesperson said the district has hired six staff members since January to support the new arrivals. Three of those hires are in newcomer classes and three are cultural liaisons who provide interpretation and other support to families who do not speak English.

Correction: This story has been corrected to update the per pupil figure districts get from the state.

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado approved $24 million for migrant students. Here’s how much each school district will get.

2024-05-03T21:44:21+00:00

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A surge of one-time money will reach 85 Colorado school districts — almost half of all districts in the state — this month to help offset costs of an unprecedented number of new students arriving midyear, mainly from South America.

Between October and Feb. 29, Colorado school districts received 8,085 newcomer students spread throughout the state, according to data submitted by the districts to the state.

Colorado lawmakers last month approved the use of $24 million in state funding to help school districts experiencing an influx of new migrant students this year. Colorado funds schools based on enrollment counts from October. Every year there are some students who leave or enroll in schools after October, and the district’s funding doesn’t get adjusted.

But this school year, district leaders, especially in large districts such as Denver and Aurora, said the number of new students they were receiving after October was much larger than in typical years.

To be eligible for the money, districts had to submit their request, along with a record of their enrollment counts, to the Colorado Department of Education. The department used a formula approved by state lawmakers to figure out how much each district will receive. Nine districts that applied were not eligible for any of the money.

Search for your district’s allocation, net enrollment change, and total new arrivals in the following table:

Districts got money in two ways. First, there was a tiered system that gave certain set amounts of money to districts based on how many new arrivals they’ve enrolled between October and Feb. 29. Then, districts could also qualify for additional money, on a per student basis — if those new arrivals resulted in net increases in district enrollment.

Of the 85 districts getting money, 39 qualified for per-student dollars: $4,672.03 for each student, which is less than districts got for students enrolled in October.

In other cases, districts received many new arrivals, but because of overall declining enrollment, their total student count by February was still lower than it was in October.

The Adams 12 school district, for example, enrolled 374 new arrivals, but because of overall enrollment declines, their total enrollment is down 58 students compared to October. That meant Adams 12 qualified for $550,000 from the tiered system, but did not receive any per-student amount in addition to that.

Districts will receive their funding allocations this month, though for most, it will serve to reimburse them for money they’ve already spent on hiring extra staff earlier this year.

School district leaders talked about having to add new classrooms in some schools, requiring more teachers and other support staff.

The Westminster school district is planning to offer some summer programming for newly arrived students. In the Harrison school district in Colorado Springs, a “newcomer committee” is developing a “toolkit for teachers to use.”

“Even though they are just one-time funds, every little bit helps us provide our newcomer students with the support, resources, and instruction they need,” Rachel Laufer, assistant superintendent of teaching and learning for the Harrison district, said in an email about the funding.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Outdoor preschools could soon get state licenses in Colorado, unlocking public dollars

2024-05-13T22:54:32+00:00

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Fourteen preschoolers sang “Eggs, larva, pupa, adults,” on a recent morning, curling up on the grass, wriggling around like caterpillars, lying still, and then flapping their arms in search of wildflowers.

The song, along with redwing blackbird calls and a bit of traffic noise, was the soundtrack of their morning circle, which kicked off near a wetland in southeast Denver.

The children weren’t on a field trip. They were attending preschool outside like they always do, under the supervision of teachers from Nature School Cooperative. It was early May and, although the 3- and 4-year-olds didn’t know it, a momentous week for schools like theirs.

Colorado lawmakers were about to pass a bill that would allow outdoor preschools — sometimes called forest schools — to be recognized with state child care licenses adapted to their format.

Advocates say the great outdoors is an ideal classroom, giving young children the chance to move freely, learn about the natural world, and assess risks and solve problems in a way indoor classrooms don’t allow. They say licensing will open the programs to a wider swath of families by unlocking public dollars available through Colorado’s universal preschool and child care subsidy programs.

A child at Nature School Cooperative explores in southeast Denver.

Candace Johnson, whose two children attend Nature School Cooperative five days a week, said the school is a big expense, but worth it because her kids get so much out of it, even on cold, snowy days

She said it would be “invaluable” if the schools could be licensed and access funds to cut costs for parents.

Gov. Jared Polis is expected to sign the bill, which received support from some Republicans, into law in the next few weeks. Colorado will then become the second state after Washington to license outdoor preschools. State officials still have to hammer out detailed rules, so it will be a year or two before Colorado begins handing out licenses.

In the meantime, advocates are celebrating the creation of a clear, state-approved pathway for outdoor preschools.

“We are just very excited and thankful,” said Jennifer Kollerup, who heads the Colorado Collective for Nature-Based Early Education.

Ryan Pleune, who co-owns Nature School Cooperative, said he was thrilled when lawmakers passed the bill. He hopes someday his program can be tuition-free for every family.

State rules aren’t tailored to outdoor preschools

Matt Hebard cried when he was testifying in support of the outdoor preschool bill in February.

He began pushing for state recognition for outdoor preschools more than a decade ago, when he worked for what was then Colorado’s Office of Early Childhood and is now the Department of Early Childhood.

“It just didn’t really get a whole lot of traction,” said Hebard, who now lives in Alaska.

In 2020 Hebard founded Denver Forest School, an outdoor school that serves more than two-dozen children ages 2 to 7 at Bluff Lake Nature Center on the city’s eastern edge.

It’s one of about 45 outdoor early childhood programs in Colorado, according to Kollerup. Some, called hybrid programs, operate in a building part of the time and outdoors part of the time and have a traditional child care license.

Others operate entirely outdoors and follow rules that make them “license exempt” — for example, by having only four children in the group, requiring parents stay for the session, or focusing on a single skill the way a gymnastics class does.

But these arrangements are more or less workarounds since the highly regulated child care licensing system was never designed for outdoor preschools. And since license-exempt programs aren’t generally eligible for public funding, most families have to pay full tuition.

In Washington, which began licensing outdoor preschools in 2019, 17 such programs are licensed. Together, they have space for about 330 children, and 57 children enrolled in them receive state child care subsidies, according to a spokesman for the Washington State Department of Children, Youth, and Families.

A child holds an insect in their palm at Nature School Cooperative.

Colorado officials say new rules for hybrid programs and part-day outdoor programs will be finalized by the end of 2024, with licenses available in early 2025. Licenses for full-day outdoor programs will take until 2026, in part because rules will be customized based on each program’s geographic location and features. The outdoor preschool bill includes $260,000 for 2024-25 for new licensing specialists who will focus on full-day outdoor preschool programs.

“This legislation actually gives us that staffing and ability to do those site-specific risk-benefit analysis and risk mitigation plans,” said Carin Rosa, director of the licensing division at the Colorado Department of Early Childhood.

The ability to get licensed could bring a variety of benefits to outdoor preschools, including allowing them to enroll more children, extend their hours, and serve more low-income and working families. Licenses may also grant more flexibility in what children can do, potentially allowing activities like tree-climbing, using sharp tools, or gathering around a fire pit.

Although some parents worry their kids will end up miserable in bad weather — with cold hands or wet feet — outdoor educators say with the right gear and planning, that rarely happens.

Parents see the benefits of outdoor schools

Johnson grew up in Houston, a city she remembers as full of concrete. Even when her family moved to Minnesota, aside from fishing once in a while, they didn’t do outdoorsy things. Her parents spent most of their time working.

“We never did vacations, we never went to cabins — that just wasn’t something that we did,” she said.

Johnson, who is Black, wanted to make sure her children felt at home in the outdoors in a way she never did growing up. Nature School Cooperative provides that, giving her 4-year-old and almost-3-year-old the chance to play in streams, jump off rocks, and develop resilience to whatever the day throws at them.

“This school goes above and beyond to make it an inclusive space and make people feel it’s for them,” she said.

The school’s ethos has rubbed off on Johnson. She’ll sometimes use the “deers ears” hand gesture to get her children’s attention when an argument is brewing. She’s also let go of her need for control in every situation, taking “a leap of faith that they can handle things that are challenging.”

Zac Sigl’s 3-year-old son Leonardo attends Nature School Cooperative one half-day a week and a traditional preschool run by the Denver school district the other four days.

Outdoor preschool is his favorite — he likes pulling on his yellow rain boots, digging in the dirt, and climbing anything he can. Sigl said they tried gymnastics, but Leonardo couldn’t focus on it and made a game of running away from the class.

That doesn’t happen when he’s at outdoor school. In fact, teachers there told Sigl that Leonardo is a natural leader, staying with the group and helping other children.

“Every single time after picking him up he’s on cloud nine,” Sigl said.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

The education bills that passed (and failed) in the 2024 Colorado legislative session

2024-05-10T20:35:02+00:00

Schools and money loomed large in the 2024 Colorado legislative session.

State lawmakers approved a new school funding formula 10 years in the making. They passed a “fully funded” K-12 budget, provided financial relief for districts enrolling an influx of newcomer students, and gave a big budget boost to public colleges and universities.

This year’s session, which wrapped on Wednesday, was the sixth in a row that both houses of the legislature were controlled by Democrats. Gov. Jared Polis is also a Democrat.

The new school funding formula prompted the most heated discussions. Lawmakers pushed it through in the waning days of the session, with the final vote taking place on the final day. The bill, which calls for $500 million in new spending over six years, follows a framework created by a 17-member task force but also includes compromises shepherded by sponsors.

The bill gained momentum after lawmakers ended the so-called budget stabilization factor, which withheld constitutionally mandated funding from K-12 schools in order to fund other priorities. Colorado is now in what lawmakers have called its “fully funded” era, though many advocates and district leaders say that schools still need more money.

College and university leaders raised similar concerns about their budgets, warning that they would need to hike tuition if the state didn’t provide more funding for their operations.

The powerful Joint Budget Committee, which has a heavy hand in crafting the state budget, provided millions more for higher education than Polis suggested. While the money will keep tuition increases lower, concerns about chronic underfunding remain.

Here’s a rundown, by topic, of education bills that passed (and a few that failed) this year. Some bills have already been signed into law by Polis, while others have not.

Student rights

Schools will be required to use a student’s preferred name under House Bill 1039. Refusing to use a student’s preferred name will be considered a form of discrimination.

Bullying based on a student’s weight, height, or body size will now be prohibited under House Bill 1285, which adds bullying related to physical appearance to the list of behaviors that are subject to school discipline policies and reporting requirements.

Preschool, public school, and college students will be allowed to wear objects of cultural or religious significance at their graduation ceremonies under House Bill 1323.

Students who are involved in the criminal justice system will have more support enrolling or re-enrolling in school and participating in school activities such as graduation ceremonies and sporting events per House Bill 1216. The state will also begin tracking attendance, dropout, and graduation rates for such students.

Student health

I Matter, a free therapy program for Colorado students started during the pandemic, will become permanent after lawmakers passed Senate Bill 1. I Matter provides six free telehealth or in-person counseling sessions to students in elementary through high school.

Students will be allowed to carry and administer naloxone, a drug that can be used to reverse opiate overdoses, at school without risk of discipline or confiscation under House Bill 1003.

By the 2027-28 school year, an external organization will provide state-funded training to mental health staff in at least 400 public schools with an emphasis on rural schools and students who lack access to mental health support, per House Bill 1406.

Senate Bill 7 creates a behavioral health first aid training program that will contract with a Colorado nonprofit organization to train educators to recognize and respond to the signs of mental health crises and substance abuse in teens.

A grant program that funds school-based health centers will be expanded to include behavioral, preventative, and oral health care services under Senate Bill 34.

A bill to create a task force to study how much time schools give students to eat lunch — and ways to increase that time — never made it out of committee and did not pass.

Student and teacher safety

A task force created by House Bill 1320 will investigate incidents of student aggression against teachers, the effects of special education staffing shortages, and insufficient funding for student wraparound services. The task force will make recommendations for improvements.

Middle and high school sports coaches at public and private schools will have to complete an abuse prevention training program under Senate Bill 113.

Carrying a firearm, openly or concealed, will be prohibited on the grounds of any school, college, or child care center — with some exceptions — under Senate Bill 131.

The Colorado Department of Education will contract with an outside organization to develop best practices for how schools respond to reports of harassment and discrimination per Senate Bill 162. Public schools must begin training their employees in the 2025-26 school year.

Higher education

House Bill 1340 creates a tax credit for students enrolled in college. This bill would fund at least two years of in-state college for students whose families make less than $90,000 a year.

Students between the ages of 17 and 26 who have experienced homelessness at any time during high school will get help paying for college under House Bill 1403.

Colorado colleges and universities that enroll a higher-than-average proportion of students who are the first in their family to go to college will be designated as first-generation-serving institutions under House Bill 1082.

Students who transfer from one university to another will be able to retain the credits they earned, among other rights for transfer students enshrined in Senate Bill 164

Senate Bill 51 fixes an oversight in a law passed last year that was meant to expand adult diploma programs to help the more than 300,000 residents who never graduated high school.

Child care and early childhood education

A pandemic-era team that helps Spanish-speaking child care providers become licensed will continue its work after Colorado lawmakers approved ongoing funding in House Bill 1009.

Colorado’s child care subsidy program will get an overhaul that’s meant to boost aid for some families, make the subsidies easier to access, and attract more providers to accept subsidies. House Bill 1223 will also cover full tuition for child care employees with kids in child care.

Nature-based preschool programs can become licensed child care centers under Senate Bill 78.

House Bill 1331 creates a $5 million grant program for academic enrichment programs that occur when school is not in session. The programs must serve public school students.

Students with disabilities

House Bill 1063 puts stricter guardrails on the use of shortened schedules for students with disabilities and will require the state to collect data on how often students miss part of the school day because they are sent home early or placed on modified schedules.

A bill that would have banned seclusion, which is the practice of shutting students inside a room alone, was defeated at the request of the sponsor. State data shows that young students with disabilities are disproportionately secluded.

Senate Bill 69 requires the state to create a training program for parents and special education advocates “in plain and easy-to-understand language” about individualized education programs, or IEPs, which detail the services schools must provide students with disabilities.

Teacher workforce

School districts experiencing a teacher shortage will be able to hire more retirees to fill vacancies without impacting those retirees’ pension benefits under House Bill 1044.

Rural school districts will be able to hire retired superintendents and principals without impacting their pension benefits under Senate Bill 99.

Teachers will have an alternative way to get endorsed to teach special education or early childhood education, two fields with persistent shortages, per House Bill 1087. Instead of completing a college program, teachers can participate in a new induction program.

Out-of-state school psychologists who want to work in Colorado schools will be able to more easily transfer their licenses under an interstate compact created by House Bill 1096.

House Bill 1264 creates an online portal for educators to post resumés and school districts to post job openings. The portal will also include information about career incentives, stipends, loan forgiveness programs, mentorship opportunities, and more.

Teacher training

House Bill 1446 creates a free, optional training program for science teachers that will include “instruction on interventions for students who are below grade level or struggling in science, children with disabilities, and students who are English language learners.”

Experienced teachers will get paid stipends to mentor novice teachers with fewer than three years of experience under an expansion of an existing program, per House Bill 1376.

Some student teachers will get stipends under House Bill 1290.

School funding

Colorado lawmakers earmarked $24 million to be distributed to school districts that enrolled migrant students after the Oct. 1 student count under House Bill 1389.

Lawmakers passed House Bill 1390 in an attempt to shore up a new state program that provides free school lunches to all students. The program is facing a funding shortfall, and the bill delays implementing certain parts of the program in order to save money.

Charter schools

Charter schools authorized by the state’s Charter School Institute can now ask to share in some of the proceeds of local voter-approved tax increases when the schools need funding for construction or building renovation projects, per House Bill 1154.

CSI-authorized charters will also receive so-called mill levy equalization funding — state funding equal to the voter-approved tax revenue received by district-run schools in the same communities — under House Bill 1394.

A bill that would have significantly changed how Colorado charter schools operate and made it easier for local districts to close them was defeated by state lawmakers.

History and research

House Bill 1444 provides two more years of funding for a History Colorado research program “regarding the physical abuse and deaths that occurred at federal Indian boarding schools in Colorado.” The bill prioritizes collecting oral histories from survivors.

Climate education

Colorado high school graduates will now be able to earn a “seal of climate literacy” on their diploma to show they have the skills for green jobs or a background in managing Colorado’s natural resources under Senate Bill 14.

Prison education

House Bill 1461 will allow incarcerated students to take full advantage of a law that grants them early release for earning college degrees.

Career education

Colorado employers that employ an apprentice for at least six months can now get a tax credit of up to $12,600 per apprentice under House Bill 1439.

House Bill 1365 allocates $3.8 million for a fourth round of Opportunity Now grants to address workforce shortages in infrastructure and building trades.

Book bans

Colorado lawmakers voted down a bill that would have made it harder to remove content from a school or public library. But the issue resurfaced later in the legislative session in Senate Bill 216 — with a notable omission. School libraries are not part of the bill that passed.

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

How will Colorado’s new funding formula affect rural districts? It depends.

2024-05-03T22:52:40+00:00

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As Speaker Julie McCuskie stood at the House dais in the Colorado Capitol on Tuesday, a typically rambunctious chamber listened intently.

The Dillon Democrat explained how her Summit County school district has the property wealth and voters to raise taxes to support schools, including for transportation, technology, and capital projects. But when she visited Center Consolidated School District in the San Luis Valley, which is in a rural area, has low property wealth, and less local tax money to fund schools, McCluskie said she found educators there operated with much fewer resources.

The story, meant to rally support for a rewrite of the state’s school funding formula, showcased why some communities need more help from the state, she said.

“We have an obligation, we have a responsibility, to think about all four corners of this state,” McCluskie said. “Our decisions need to be to equitably share state resources so that every single kid gets a fair shot.”

Throughout the last few weeks, McCluskie and other rewrite supporters have argued this point — that the proposed formula changes would give more money to districts serving students with the most needs, and then prioritize higher funding for small and rural districts like Center. So far, lawmakers have agreed. The bill passed the House a day after McCluskie’s speech on a 54-10 vote, with one lawmaker excused, and will now be heard in the Senate.

But the immediate financial impact on district budgets, especially on rural schools the formula is designed to help, would likely be a mixed bag, according to superintendents.

Most districts would get more funding but a few others — including a handful of rural districts — would get less money over time, compared to the current formula. And those slated to get an increase would still have other financial pressures, such as the end of federal COVID relief funding or, in some districts, declining enrollment.

“There are still some unknowns,” said Michelle Murphy, the executive director of the Colorado Rural Schools Alliance, which represents rural schools. “But there’s a whole lot of excitement and hope.”

School funding formulas create perceived winners, losers

For years, smaller districts have complained that larger districts, especially those with high property wealth, benefit the most from the current formula.

The rewrite, proposed in House Bill 1448 and more than a decade in the making, flips the current 30-year-old formula and creates a new set of perceived winners and losers.

Currently, Colorado sets a base per-pupil funding amount. Then it uses factors such as district enrollment, cost of living, and the number of students living in poverty as weights to determine actual per-pupil funding for each district. The higher a district’s enrollment, cost of living, and number of students living in poverty, the higher its per-pupil funding.

The proposed formula would first send money to districts based on the number and type of students they are serving. Districts would get a set amount of dollars for each student, similar to the current formula, and then additional dollars based on student characteristics, including whether students are in special education, are learning English, or are considered at-risk based on low family income.

The proposed formula then considers the size of a district and the cost of living there.

To support changes, the bill calls for the state to spend $500 million more over six years’ time — or an annual increase of about $83 million. The state would use either general fund revenue or education savings.

The bill also creates a funding floor so no district gets less money than in the 2024-25 year.

More money for most rural schools

Like McCluskie said at the dais, Center is one of the districts that would benefit from the new formula.

Superintendent Carrie Zimmerman said she believes the district would get a few hundred thousand dollars more, which would provide many benefits.

The extra money would mean she could hire a licensed teacher in every classroom who has the training to work with kids who need the most intensive support. She also said it might mean smaller class sizes for students.

The money would also help Center schools recruit teachers and help them pay for long commutes in the valley. In addition, the extra funding would help the district provide or maintain after-school and summer programs, she said.

Zimmerman said about 80% of the district’s families live below the poverty line. About 40% of the students also are English language learners.

Meanwhile, Gunnison Watershed School District, which is projected to receive one of the highest funding increases through the proposed formula, faces challenges due to the impending expiration of pandemic relief money in September.

The school district, which geographically is the size of Rhode Island and Delaware combined, also pays more for gas to transport students and to bring in contractors to fix problems like a broken HVAC.

The end of COVID aid also puts the district at risk of losing staff who help students improve their math and reading skills, as well as counselors, said Leslie Nichols, the district’s superintendent.

Gunnison isn’t alone. Other districts have leaned heavily on federal funding, in part because their state funding has been so low. East Otero School District Superintendent Rick Lovato said the new formula would allow him to keep positions he’d otherwise have to cut.

Meanwhile, Kermit Snyder, Rocky Ford superintendent, said a bigger issue for him is declining enrollment.

“Without the formula change, we’d be in a greater fiscal emergency,” he said.

School funding change doesn’t address all concerns

The changes haven’t received universal support.

Districts that won’t get as much additional money as others say the proposed formula fails to account for the challenges they face.

Telluride School District Superintendent John Pandolfo said by flipping the cost of living factor, his district stands to get less money over time. Telluride is in a rural and mountainous area, but is one of the more affluent in the state due to the city’s famous ski resort.

Pandolfo said he’s a firm believer in funding student needs, but he can’t support the measure when it so negatively impacts his district.

Teachers in his district can barely afford rent, he said. He added that he’s already successfully asked voters for tax increases and is unsure whether asking for another would be reasonable. Plus, local ballot measures, even when they’re successful, make the area only more expensive and harder for teachers and some families to afford, he said.

Pandolfo also raised a longstanding concern about Colorado education funding: The state does not spend nearly enough money on its schools. He said changing the formula doesn’t fix that problem.

No district has the money it needs from the state, he said, which means no student “is learning to the level that they can and should be learning.”

Back at the dais in the state Capitol, McCluskie acknowledged that shortfall and said she supports, in theory, asking voters statewide to raise taxes for schools.

But she said the time is now to act on the formula.

“We need more money for public schools,” she said. “But it is time to make a commitment to equity.”

School funding formula rewrite clears major House vote

2024-05-01T00:20:19+00:00

A proposed rewrite to Colorado’s school funding formula cleared a major hurdle on Tuesday when House members approved the measure on an initial voice vote, bringing the rewrite another step closer to replacing a 30-year-old system.

The vote to approve the measure means the rewrite will likely clear its final House vote, during which only minor changes are allowed. The bill will then be sent to the Senate.

The bill calls for $500 million in new funding to districts phased in over a six-year period, or about $83 million a year, starting in the 2024-25 school year.

Sponsors say it would dole out more state funding to districts serving higher numbers of students with disabilities, students from low-income families, or students who are learning English as a second language. The current school funding formula gives more funding to districts with higher costs of living, a factor that would still be considered in the new formula but would be diminished.

The bill’s initial approval on the House floor underscores the work by its sponsors, led by Speaker Julie McCluskie, a Dillon Democrat, to find compromise with opposition on issues. The most significant concerns have come from larger districts and the state’s largest teachers union, with both groups sharing concerns that some districts would get more funding and others would get less, as well as doubts about the financial sustainability of propping up the changes.

McCluskie said during a Tuesday news conference that she’s tried to meet district leaders’ concerns and work with the union.

The most significant changes to the original bill would allow for triggers that pause phasing in the formula, and the money it would require, if certain factors happen, such as a reduction in projected state revenue. McCluskie has said the increase in state funding for schools would come out of education savings or recurring general fund revenue.

Others include a task force to study how local property tax referendums affect school funding, and the removal of two studies that sparked concern among union leaders.

She said sponsors understand this is a big change but will drive funding to students who need it the most.

“The bill currently encompasses a dramatic reimagining of our school finance formula that is much more student-centered and drives funding to the kids who need additional resources, supports, interventions, and smaller class sizes,” McCluskie said.

Rural and small districts would benefit the most

The bill changes how the state funds schools by first sending more money to districts based on the student characteristics.

The formula would then factor whether districts are smaller or rural districts, as well as a districts’ cost of living expenses. Under the formula, rural districts would benefit the most, while larger, wealthier districts would get less additional money over time. The bill ensures no district loses money through a provision that holds district funding at next year’s levels.

A consensus of district leaders say the existing formula, adopted in 1994, is inadequate for the needs of Colorado’s education. But widespread agreement on a formula rewrite has been difficult, and even getting a bill introduced this year has been a decade-long process. This rewrite has brought together many districts in support.

The bill would especially send millions more to rural and small districts that face higher costs for goods and services and more difficulties recruiting teachers. Those schools have historically not benefited as much from state funding under the current formula. Small and rural districts also have more trouble raising local property tax revenue to support education.

Districts such as Denver, Greeley, Mapleton, and Lewis-Palmer support the bill because they say the formula would place student needs at the front of the funding model.

“This is a substantial investment in education in all the places that we know is most needed,” said Chuck Carpenter, Denver Public Schools chief of finance during a recent bill hearing. Carpenter served on a 17-member committee that helped provide recommendations for the rewrite and has guided how lawmakers crafted the legislation.

Amendments try to address concerns

Several larger districts, such as Boulder, Adams 12, Littleton, Cherry Creek, and Jefferson, have voiced opposition to the rewrite, although McCluskie and sponsors have offered numerous amendments that they hope ease concerns.

While no districts will lose money, some leaders such as Erin Kane, Douglas County School District superintendent, have said that their district would get less overall funding in the future. Kane worries the funding formula would make it harder for her district to recruit teachers and would mean less funding for students in her district who need more help.

Some districts instead asked lawmakers to increase the base amount of funding all districts get per pupil, instead of rewriting the formula to increase funding for students with higher needs. Bacon and sponsors said changing the formula addresses how to distribute money in a fairer manner, although she acknowledged that state funding is still not adequate.

Adams 12 officials also said the funding formula doesn’t address problems with local tax measures that can create further inequities among districts. Mill levy overrides, which are voter-approved tax measures for education, can raise widely different amounts depending on the property wealth of an area. Some districts with a greater number of residents with lower income also have a tougher time asking voters for property tax increases.

Teachers unions have expressed concerns about the sustainability of spending $500 million more over the next six years. The Colorado Education Association, which represents over 40,000 teachers statewide, opposes the bill and has called for lawmakers to ask voters statewide to approve dedicated funding to schools to grow how much the state spends each year on education.

McCluskie also introduced an amendment that would allow wealthier districts affected by cost of living formula changes to go to voters so they can raise more funding. Another change would create a working group to study the mill levy override system and state matching grants and recommend changes.

And a Tuesday amendment introduced by lawmakers that would have stripped out funding for charter school facilities failed.

Sponsors have removed two studies from the bill that union officials said mirror model legislative language from the American Legislative Exchange Council, a conservative group that supports vouchers and shares legislative drafts with state lawmakers.

Teachers union officials said the studies would open the door to funding private schools with public dollars, although bill sponsors said that wasn’t the intent. And Democrats have opposed school voucher legislation over the years.

Bill to ban seclusion in Colorado schools defeated, but sponsor pledges to try again next year

2024-04-30T18:27:15+00:00

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Despite testimony that one Colorado lawmaker called “horrifying,” a bill to ban the practice of shutting students alone inside rooms was defeated at the state Capitol.

State Rep. Regina English, a Colorado Springs Democrat and the main sponsor of House Bill 1167, asked last week that her fellow lawmakers postpone the bill indefinitely, effectively defeating it.

With just days left in this year’s legislative session, English said the bill was experiencing too much last-minute pushback from defenders of the practice known as seclusion.

Though English didn’t name names, a handful of school district and special education administrators had defended the practice to lawmakers in a hearing last month. The administrators described seclusion as a “last resort” measure that is sometimes necessary.

English pledged to introduce a new bill banning seclusion next year.

“It is my mission to make sure Colorado is the ninth state in the nation to ban this horrific practice used against our students,” she told the House Education Committee last Thursday.

The committee voted unanimously to defeat the bill. Several lawmakers said they were voting against the bill reluctantly and only at the sponsor’s request. They praised English for her courage and said they agreed that seclusion is wrong.

“The testimony we heard was horrifying,” said Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat and chair of the House Education Committee. Seclusion, she said, “shouldn’t ever be happening.”

Under current law, Colorado schools are allowed to seclude students in rooms with the door closed. Staff must monitor students through a window or by video camera. Seclusion rooms must be “free of injurious items” and cannot otherwise be used for storage, custodial, or office space.

Students are often placed in seclusion because of their behavior. Available state data shows that young students with disabilities are disproportionately secluded.

English said a case at a popular Denver middle school called McAuliffe International School spurred her to sponsor the bill. An investigation by Denver Public Schools found that McAuliffe staff were placing students in seclusion without proper supervision. A former Denver school board member told lawmakers that the seclusion room at McAuliffe “reminded me of a prison.”

The former board member, Auon’tai Anderson, was among the parents and elected officials who testified last month in favor of the bill to ban seclusion. The most emotional testimony came from mothers who said their children with disabilities had been secluded.

The mothers spoke about how their children soiled themselves inside seclusion rooms because they were so scared and how, even years later, their kids had nightmares and post-traumatic stress disorder.

Parents said they were unaware their children were being secluded, in part because the schools didn’t use the word seclusion. Instead, schools referred to the rooms in which their children were shut inside by innocuous names like “the relaxation room” and “the opportunity room.”

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado’s largest teachers union says it opposes school funding formula rewrite

2024-04-26T00:37:11+00:00

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The state’s largest teacher’s union has joined opposition to a bill that would overhaul how Colorado funds schools.

The Colorado Education Association originally wanted lawmakers to amend the bill when officials first released it. But on Tuesday the union decided to officially oppose House Bill 1448, which would overhaul a 30-year-old system that is widely considered to not meet school or student needs.

The union says it’s concerned the bill includes wording that could open the door to funding private schools with state dollars, although the bill doesn’t include language to support vouchers and Democratic lawmakers have been staunchly against such a move. The union also argued there needs to be sustainable funding for the formula rewrite and has criticized the process behind the bill as too hasty.

CEA represents over 40,000 teachers statewide and is a powerful lobbying force on education-related legislation. Their move to fight the bill could present a significant political challenge for the bill’s backers.

The union has launched a statewide campaign calling for educators to voice their opposition to the legislation. But CEA President Amie Baca-Oehlert said she’s open to further conversations with lawmakers and that the union’s position isn’t set in stone.

“We are continuing to work on this because ultimately we are committed to ensuring that our schools, students, and educators have the resources that they need,” Baca-Oehlert said.

Other opponents of the bill include the American Federation of Teachers Colorado and districts like Boulder, Douglas County, Adams 12, Cherry Creek, and Littleton.

The bill calls for $500 million in new funding to schools phased in over a six-year period. It also changes how the state funds schools by first sending more money to schools based on the students they serve. Then it provides money for smaller and rural districts, and also factors in districts’ cost of living expenses.

Baca-Oehlert said she supports the idea that the formula should provide more for students with the greatest needs. But she said she’s worried about studies the bill calls for that mirror model legislative language from the American Legislative Exchange Council, a conservative group that supports vouchers and shares legislative drafts with state lawmakers.

The studies would look at how the state spends money on students and analyze school and district needs based on student enrollment, according to sponsors.

House Speaker Julie McCluskie, a Democrat and another bill sponsor, said sponsors wanted to better understand how the new resources will be spent to support students. At the same time, she indicated she’d remove the references to the studies from the bill.

“While I adamantly disagree with the misunderstanding that this is ‘backpack funding’ or a pathway to privatizing public schools, I appreciate the feedback from CEA,” she said.

Baca-Oehlert and others have worried about whether the state would be able to support the big increase in spending that the bill calls for without asking voters for an education-specific tax referendum.

McCluskie has said the new formula would be funded through either education savings or growth in revenue the state already collects, but hasn’t provided more details. But if state tax revenue declines, it would threaten Colorado’s ability to phase in the formula.

Even though there’s widespread agreement that the current school funding system is badly outdated, efforts to actually revamp it have proven difficult because such a big overhaul might create winners and losers. That dynamic has reemerged: Some districts have worried about losing money over the long-term under the proposed rewrite.

Larger districts, especially those with a higher property tax base, wouldn’t get as much money as the current formula. Lawmakers have included a provision that would ensure their funding levels do not dip below next budget year levels.

Rural school districts would stand to benefit the most by far from the new formula and the $500 million that’s to be spent on the formula. Rural districts and the Colorado Rural Schools Alliance support the bill. Various other advocacy groups, including Democrats for Education Reform and the conservative Ready Colorado, also back the legislation.

Supporters of the bill have said the changes send more money to the students who need it most and will support increases in student achievement. They’ve said the rewrite creates more equitable funding for students across the state and supports districts who face the steepest challenges.

The proposal represents the culmination of years of work and follows many recommendations released by a 17-member task force in February.

In addition to McCluskie, the bill’s sponsors include Democratic Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, vice chair of the Joint Budget Committee, Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, and Assistant Majority Leader Jennifer Bacon of Denver.

Colorado lawmakers defeat bill that would have changed charter school operations and made it easier to close them

2024-04-12T04:58:28+00:00

A bill that would have significantly changed how Colorado charter schools operate, making it simpler for local districts to close them, was defeated by state lawmakers Thursday in its first hearing.

After hours of testimony in the House Education Committee, the bill failed on a 3-8 vote.

Several Democratic lawmakers joined Republicans to defeat the bill, although some Democrats said they supported parts of the bill and would welcome a rewrite.

Students, teachers, parents, many charter school leaders, and some advocates testified against the bill for several hours.

A couple of charter leaders said their schools would not be open if it wasn’t for the current second appeals process that meant the State Board of Education had final say in allowing their school to open despite a local district’s opposition.

“Here I am eight years later with a vibrant school,” said Natalia Miller-Forrest, leader of Heritage Heights Academy in Centennial. “Honestly, I think this bill is an attack on charter schools. There’s not a part of this bill that I can get behind.”

Far fewer people spoke in support of the bill.

Rep. Lorena García, one of the bill sponsors, accused opponents of “fear mongering” by telling parents and others that the bill would cause charter schools to close. García said she encountered a mom who was going to testify against the bill because doing so would fulfill her school’s parental engagement requirement. All the mom had been told was that the bill would close her child’s charter school, García said.

When García told her more about the bill, she said the mom told her that the bill was needed and that her own child’s special education plan wasn’t being followed. But García said the mom told her she was afraid to change her testimony, or of being named in Garcia’s recounting of the conversation, because she feared retaliation for her child.

“Yes, there are great charters,” García said. “No, not all are great. The great charters that are in it for our kids will prevail.”

The bill, had it been approved, would have made a number of changes, including prohibiting charter schools from getting any of their waivers automatically. It would have allowed districts with declining enrollment to create moratoriums to prevent new charter schools from opening, and it would have allowed districts to keep a larger share of charters’ per-student funding.

Lawmakers considering different bills affecting charter schools in Colorado

Districts would also have had final say in charter school appeals, preventing the State Board of Education from being able to override local decisions. Supporters who testified in favor of the bill included teachers, parents, former students, teachers union leaders, and a lawyer and a school board member for the Adams 14 school district.

Sponsors of the bill said the proposal was meant to put charter schools on a “level playing field” with traditional district-run schools, and that the goal was accountability and transparency for families.

Rep. Tammy Story, one of the sponsors and a member of the education committee, questioned charter school leaders who testified about why the bill would harm them.

Story suggested that the bill was not meant to be a threat to charter schools that were operating good programs. She said the proposed rules about conflicts of interest and preventing personal financial gain, for example, were aimed at bad actors who probably wouldn’t show up to testify.

Some who testified against the bill said that the problems identified by sponsors weren’t unique to charter schools.

Rep. Ron Weinberg, a Republican who was filling in on the committee and voted against the bill, said that if the true intent was not to harm schools that could be doing good work, the bill should have been written in coordination with the leaders of those schools.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

School lunch time is too short. Colorado lawmakers’ solution? A task force to make recommendations.

2024-04-12T17:48:16+00:00

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Anyelin Ortega told Colorado lawmakers recently that the lunch line at her high school can be 25 minutes long, often leaving the 17-year-old only five minutes to finish her food.

“It is very disrespectful and demanding for any person to be rushed from eating,” said Ortega, who attends a Denver charter school. “After lunch, I have found myself feeling very anxious and irritated from the lack of energy from having an empty stomach.”

Ortega was among the students and advocates who testified in favor of a bill that would create a “time-to-eat” task force to evaluate topics including how much time the state’s school districts are giving students to eat lunch and whether students have recess before or afterward.

Colorado does not mandate schools set aside a certain number of minutes for lunch. Those decisions are left to school districts or individual schools.

The task force would examine the outcomes associated with those decisions, such as students’ academic performance, their behavior, and how much food is wasted because students can’t finish their lunches. The task force would write a report with recommendations for school districts to adopt policies “that allow for increased time to eat,” the bill says.

“It breaks my heart when I see students repeatedly pick up their tray and shovel a few more bites into their mouths as they hold (it) over a trash can and throw away half of their food,” Shannon Thompson of the Colorado School Nutrition Association told lawmakers at a hearing last week. “As a registered dietitian, I work in school nutrition to feed kids, not trash cans.”

Rep. Jenny Willford, a Northglenn Democrat, said House Bill 1301 is based on her personal experience as a parent. When her son started in elementary school, Willford said he was having behavior issues after lunch. She said she worked with the school to figure out the root cause: Her son would play hard at recess but then not have enough time to eat lunch.

“You can’t learn when your tummy is hungry,” Willford said.

House Minority Leader Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican, said she agreed to co-sponsor the bill because she had a similar experience with her own children.

In addition to hungry students and wasted food, Pugliese pointed out another problem with short lunch periods: wasted money. Colorado voters approved a measure in 2022 making school meals free for all students, and this is the first year it’s in place. But more students are eating than expected, and the state is having to shore up the program with extra funding.

“From a fiscally conservative perspective, we don’t want to be investing money in food that’s being thrown away,” Pugliese said.

Cade Nelson, a sophomore at Legend High School in Parker, told lawmakers that he supports the free meals program. But he said it’s caused the lunch lines at his school to grow.

“The free lunch essentially does not matter because I’ve seen people run out of time to eat,” Nelson said. “If we had more time to eat, I think everybody would be much happier.”

The bill passed the House Education Committee last Thursday on a 10-1 vote. Most of the pushback and hesitation was not related to the task force but to a separate grant program in the bill meant to promote more physical activity and play during the school day.

An association of Colorado physical education teachers had concerns that the grant program could supplant P.E. teachers. But the committee approved an amendment requiring schools to have a P.E. teacher on staff in order to apply for the grant funding.

Rep. Anthony Hartsook, a Parker Republican, was the only lawmaker to suggest scrapping the time-to-eat task force in favor of a mandate that school districts lengthen lunch times.

“Why not do a mandate?” Hartsook said. “They need more time to eat, they need more time to play. Duh. We all know that. So why are we waiting?”

But Willford said school scheduling is a tricky balance that must take into account the amount of instructional time required by the state. She said she worried a mandate would cause problems.

“If we move straight to a mandate, it becomes a bit of an unfunded mandate for local school districts,” Willford said. “My hope is that the task force comes back with a number of unique models of how we can implement longer periods for school lunch that is reflective of the diversity of schools we have across our state.”

Hartsook voted yes on the bill. The sole no vote was from Republican Rep. Don Wilson.

The bill says the task force would make its recommendations by Feb. 1, 2025. Task force members would include students, parents, educators, school board members, teachers union representatives, and representatives from community organizations.

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado lawmakers pitch rewrite of unpopular school funding formula that’s older than Nikola Jokic

2024-04-12T02:44:46+00:00

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Colorado would significantly boost funding to rural districts and to those serving large numbers of students in poverty and English learners under a school funding overhaul unveiled Thursday.

Supporters of House Bill 1448 hope it sends more money to the students who need it most — and that the extra money will eventually improve student achievement.

“Our job is to make sure that we are delivering state funding in a way that ensures the kids with the greatest needs are getting the greatest help,” said Speaker of the House Julie McCluskie, a bill sponsor, during a Thursday news conference.

The effort comes after years of debate about the best way to rewrite a 30-year-old school funding formula. Education advocates and school leaders widely agreed the formula was outdated and unfair. But changing it was politically challenging because no district wanted to get less so that others could get more.

Supporters hope this bill will overcome those hurdles by using $500 million in new money to phase in the formula over six years — or about $83 million a year. Colorado is finally funding education according to state constitutional requirements after years of underpayment. McCluskie said increases in local property tax revenue and declining enrollment have relieved pressure on the state budget, and she feels confident the state can pay for the changes over time.

The new funds means no district will get less than what it does under the current formula.

The bill has the backing of a diverse coalition of superintendents and is sponsored by leadership from both parties.

In addition to McCluskie, a Democrat, lawmakers backing the bill include Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican and longtime player in school finance debates; Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, vice chair of the Joint Budget Committee; and Assistant Majority Leader Jennifer Bacon, who previously served on the Denver school board.

Still, the bill faces a tight timeline for approval — the session ends May 8 — and questions about sustainability.

Bret Miles, executive director of the Colorado Association of School Executives, which represents superintendents across the state, said his membership will dissect the bill, ask questions, and raise any concerns. CASE is a powerful interest group at the Capitol and has put the brakes on past efforts to rewrite the formula.

“There is a possibility, as a really diverse group of districts statewide, that we don’t come together with one position on all of this,” Miles said “This is that big and that complex.”

New formula aims to focus on student needs

The bill closely follows a framework recommended by a 17-member task force in February. The group wanted to provide more for districts serving students with greater needs, districts with low property wealth, and districts that are small or rural.

Currently, Colorado sets a base per-pupil funding amount. Then it uses factors such as district size, cost of living, and the number of students living in poverty as weights to determine actual per-pupil funding for each district.

Colorado also gives districts additional money on top of the formula for students with disabilities, those learning English, and gifted and talented students. But increases in funding for these categories of students hasn’t kept pace with increases in students needing extra services.

Traditionally, cost of living has accounted for a disproportionate share of school funding — $1.3 billion this school year, compared with just $482 million for students living in poverty. That’s out of roughly $9 billion in total state education funding.

The new formula aims to put more money toward student needs and less toward cost of living. And in allocating per-student funding, it creates weighted factors not just for students living in poverty, but also for English learners and students with disabilities.

Districts would get 25% more for each student with one of those characteristics. If a student meets two or three criteria, districts would get more money for each criteria.

Under the bill, smaller and rural districts would also get extra funding based on their location and size.

Under the proposed “locale factor,” districts classified as remote would get the most extra funding, up to 25% more based on their location. Suburban and city districts would not get any extra money under the locale factor. The “size factor” would be based on a district’s enrollment. Only districts with fewer than 6,500 students would get additional money — about 85% of Colorado’s school districts.

Districts with a higher cost of living, as determined by a state formula, would continue to get additional funding like they have in the current formula. The proposal would cap how much districts could get under the cost of living factor to leave more money for student factors. The cap in the bill is higher than recommended by the task force, potentially reducing opposition from more affluent districts.

Colorado’s public school finance bill — a different bill than the proposed overhaul — calls for per-pupil funding to increase to $11,450 in the 2024-25 school year. In 2023-24, per-pupil funding is $10,614.

A legislative analysis of how the proposal would impact Colorado districts in the 2025-26 school year found that Denver Public Schools would get $165 more per pupil than what it’s projected to get under the current formula, while its suburban neighbor Jeffco Public Schools would get $146 more.

Adams 14, which serves a high-poverty community with many English learners, would get an additional $463 per student. High-poverty rural districts such as Rocky Ford and Center would see similar increases. Douglas County, an affluent suburban district, would see $85 more per student.

“At the end of the day, if we ask the question, ‘Does this help or does this harm student achievement?’ I think we’ll come up with the right answer,” said Lundeen, the Senate’s minority leader. “And I think this formula is on the right pathway to helping student achievement.”

Funding bill gets early support, but questions remain

Behind the scenes, McCluskie received support this week for the proposal from several superintendents, including Greeley School District 6 Superintendent Deirdre Pilch, who was in attendance of the Thursday news conference announcing the bill.

In a Tuesday letter, the group of 36 superintendents told McCluskie that the rewrite shouldn’t be delayed and urged lawmakers to take action this year — despite several ongoing studies related to school funding.

The superintendents who signed that letter include those for Denver Public Schools, Mapleton Public Schools, and Colorado Springs School District D11. It also included numerous rural district leaders such as those in Alamosa, Wiggins, and Summit. None of the schools would stand to lose money over time within the recommendations.

“We must not allow more generations of students to pass through our schools without addressing the glaring inequities in this outdated formula,” the superintendents said in the letter.

Pilch said the money would greatly benefit the Greeley district because it educates many students from low-income backgrounds and those who are learning English. The extra money allocated through the new formula would allow Greeley and rural districts to offer extended learning, health services, family services, food pantries, laundry facilities, and parenting education classes that help adults learn English and support their kids, she said.

“We’re long overdue for a change in school finance,” she said. “We have an opportunity because of the courage of our state legislature.”

Members of the task force that released recommendations in February also praised the effort.

“I would hope that we can come to agreement that this is an important investment to be making for kids,” said Brenda Dickhoner, CEO of conservative education advocacy group Ready Colorado.

Riley Kitts, Democrats for Education Reform state director, said Colorado needs a formula “that is rooted in modern data and rooted in modern policy.”

Still, widespread support for the measure isn’t guaranteed. Miles, of the school executives association, said he expects many other members will want to know specifics of the bill and how they affect their students.

Lawmakers should evaluate the numbers closely to understand if the proposal provides money for districts with more students with higher needs like they want, said Tracie Rainey, Colorado School Finance Project executive director.

And she wants to see how the state will fund the increase after underfunding schools for years. To increase school funding for next year and get rid of an annual withholding known as the budget stabilization factor, lawmakers have had to dip into education reserves.

“I think that the question now is: Do the numbers play out to represent the policy objectives that they have outlined in this bill?” Rainey said.

Chalkbeat Colorado Bureau Chief Melanie Asmar and National Editor Erica Meltzer contributed.

Colorado lawmakers advance a new tax credit that could cut child poverty in half

2024-04-09T17:51:47+00:00

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A bill supporters say could cut Colorado’s child poverty rate in half by providing new tax credits to low-income families narrowly passed its first legislative hurdle on Monday

House Bill 24-1311 would create the “Family Affordability Tax Credit,” which would be available only in years when the state has enough surplus tax revenue. The idea is that the new credit could be layered on top of the state’s existing child tax credit to provide a larger sum to the lowest-income families and reach a wider swath of Colorado families with children. The new credit would become available next year when Coloradans file their 2024 income taxes.

The lowest income families with children under 6 would be eligible for a $3,200 tax credit under the bill. Families with children ages 6 to 16 and those with incomes up to $95,000 could get smaller credits.

Many Democratic lawmakers and advocates see the bill as a chance to address Colorado’s high cost of living by sending extra money to up to hundreds of thousands of cash-strapped families. They also say it would pick up where the federal government left off when its expanded child tax credit expired in 2021. With action on another child tax credit expansion stalled in Congress, several states have recently expanded or created their own child tax credits.

During Monday’s hearing in the House Finance Committee, some Republicans expressed concerns about the bill’s price tag and the fact that the tax credit would be available only in good economic times, not bad ones.

The new tax credit would cost around $700 million annually in years when state revenue exceeds caps put in place by Colorado’s Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, or TABOR, a 1992 constitutional amendment that limits the growth of state spending according to population growth and inflation.

This year, the credit would use about 35% of the anticipated $2 billion surplus. In years when the state doesn’t collect surplus tax revenue, the family affordability credit would not be given and in years when the state has some surplus revenue but not enough to fully fund it, the credit would be reduced proportionally.

The tax credit bill passed the House Finance Committee in a 6-5 vote Monday evening, with State Rep. Bob Marshall, Democrat of Douglas County, joining four Republicans in voting no. The bill’s next stop is the House Appropriations Committee.

Marshall, in explaining his no vote, said the bill’s plan to use surplus tax money for the tax credit instead of refunding it to Coloradans shows a “deep contempt” for what voters put in place in 1992.

“We’re trying to find a way around it because we don’t like the fact that we have to give $2 billion back to the taxpayers and we want to direct it where we want,” he said.

A long list of supporters from health, education, and early childhood groups who urged lawmakers to pass the bill during public testimony described the bill as a game-changer that would benefit 45% of Colorado families, helping them cover basic needs and give young children a more stable foundation during a critical time of development.

Several said affording a one-bedroom apartment in Colorado on a minimum-wage job requires 77 hours of work per week.

Moriah Rodriguez, a single mother who grew up in Colorado, said it’s discouraging and stressful to see the cost of living in the state continually rise. She said the new tax credits would help families cover basics and by extension, help children succeed in school.

“I know firsthand that the economic stability in the home is reflected in how the child shows up in the classroom,” she told lawmakers.

When the federal government gave out a more generous child tax credit during the pandemic — a portion of it delivered in monthly allotments — most low-income families spent it on food, utilities, housing, clothing, and education costs, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.

Census numbers show that the expanded federal child tax credit cut child poverty nearly in half nationwide — from 9.7% in 2020 to 5.2% in 2021. But once the expansion lapsed, the child poverty numbers quickly spiked to previous levels.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

What’s in Colorado’s budget for K-12, early childhood, and higher education?

2024-04-05T21:01:20+00:00

Colorado’s 2024-25 budget proposal cleared the Senate on Friday morning, giving the bill approval from both chambers and paving the way toward sizable investments in K-12 and higher education next year.

The bill includes money to help districts with an influx of migrants, more money for special education, and tuition increases that fall below inflation.

The Senate approval of the $40.6 billion budget bill ends two weeks of debate in the upper and lower chambers to add amendments to the proposal. During the final stretch to approve what’s known as the long bill, the powerful Joint Budget Committee will consider amendments and then send the bill to Gov. Jared Polis who has the ability to veto line items within the budget before his signature.

For lawmakers from both aisles, the big win for the year will be the long-anticipated end to the so-called budget stabilization factor, or a process of withholding required funding to K-12 education spending to use elsewhere. Since 2009, the process has held back over $10 billion from schools.

Joint Budget Committee Vice Chair Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat, said it’s a joyous moment for her to say lawmakers are fully funding schools. The budget and the school finance act are the only two bills lawmakers must pass before they adjourn in May.

“Of all the budgets that I have proudly helped to craft over the years, this one will stand out in my memory years from now,” Zenzinger said. “I am pleased to see that we have reached this milestone in the process.”

Here’s what else is included within the 2024-25 budget proposal for early childhood, K-12, and higher education:

More money for K-12 education — The long bill provides over half a billion more in funding for K-12 education statewide, bringing total program spending to about $9.7 billion next year.
Relief for districts helping newcomer students — An influx of migrant students have come to Colorado and districts have needed more resources to help them. In the budget, Colorado will spend $24 million to backfill some money spent by districts addressing the needs of those students.
The state meets its special education funding obligation — Colorado lawmakers have chipped away at increasing statewide special education funding for years. Next year, lawmakers want to spend $34.7 million more on special education, bringing total funding up to $375.6 million and meeting what’s required by the state.
More money for at-risk students — While the state’s school finance bill will delay a new method to calculate at-risk students, the long bill does add another $1.6 million for those students who are more likely not to graduate from high school.
Big budget increase for higher education institutions — Colorado universities worried initial budget numbers wouldn’t take into account inflation and a need to pay workers more. The budget doesn’t provide the entirety of what they asked for, but increases spending by $134.9 million, or about 10%, bringing total spending on college and university budgets and student financial aid to $1.6 billion next year.
Tuition increases stay below inflation — The money for colleges means less of a need to increase tuition. Colleges and universities will be allowed to raise tuition by 3% for in-state and 4% for nonresident undergraduate students.
More state money for UPK — Colorado will spend $53.8 million more next year on its universal preschool program next year, but overall spending will drop mostly due to the end of federal stimulus money. The early childhood department will spend $769 million, down from $808.9 million this year.
Budget prepares for the end of federal pandemic relief funds — Federal money sent to states to provide aid during the pandemic will expire in September. The budget prepares the state for the loss of that funding, including within K-12 education.

Student aggression against teachers spurs Colorado lawmakers to find solutions

2024-04-02T19:36:56+00:00

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Almost a third of Colorado teachers who took a recent teachers union survey said they had experienced physical abuse by a student in the past two years. A bill under consideration in the legislature aims to find solutions and stem teacher turnover.

“When I bring this bill up, every single person will then respond with, ‘Oh my gosh, this happened to my neighbor last week, this happened to my sister-in-law last week,’” State Rep. Meghan Lukens, a Steamboat Springs Democrat and former high school teacher, said during a hearing on the bill, of which she is co-sponsor.

“It’s crazy how many personal stories I’ve gotten from folks in the education space ever since I started talking more about this bill.”

House Bill 1320, which passed the House Education Committee March 18 a 7-4 vote, would create a task force to investigate those incidents and other topics, including the effects of special education staffing shortages and insufficient funding for student wraparound services. The task force would make recommendations for policy or law changes needed to improve teacher safety.

The same Colorado Education Association survey that spurred Lukens to co-sponsor the bill found that 58% of teachers who responded said they are considering leaving the profession in the near future, though the reasons varied. National surveys have found similar results.

But balancing teacher safety and student needs can be difficult, especially when a student’s trauma or disability is the reason for their behavior. Educators have said the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated mental and behavioral health issues for many students and worsened already unsustainable special education caseloads.

In testifying for the bill, Kevin Vick, the CEA vice president, told a story about a pregnant teacher who he said was kicked in the stomach by a high school student “hard enough to cause bruising, but fortunately not hard enough to endanger the child.”

The teacher quit that very same day, Vick said. When a long-term substitute teacher took over, the same student beat the substitute with a metal water bottle, he said.

“I don’t blame the student,” Vick told state lawmakers. “He had a condition that manifested that.”

Vick said a diverse task force is needed to come up with solutions to what is a complex problem. Others, including Brandon Smith, a social worker in 27J Schools in Brighton, agreed.

“For years, my coworkers and I were told that being assaulted in various ways was part of the job and we signed up for — and we should know what we were getting into,” said Smith.

He spoke of a first grade student he said “would flood sinks, destroy walls, furniture, take their clothes off, pee, throw feces, play with electric sockets, [and] punch and kick” staff members. District staff tried to get the student into a private program that could better meet his needs, but Smith said they encountered long wait lists and hesitancy about accepting the child.

Erin Kane, the superintendent of the Douglas County School District, the third-largest in the state, was the only district leader to testify. Speaking in favor of the bill, she ticked off specifics: In a district with 8,500 staff members, Douglas County schools had 313 workers compensation incidents last school year related to student aggression against a teacher.

Kane said the incidents usually mean a staff member had to see a doctor or go to the emergency room. So far this school year, Kane said the district has had 269 claims.

“We need help,” said Kallie Leyba, the president of the American Federation of Teachers Colorado, which represents teachers in Douglas County.

“The kids are not all right. And the educators are not all right.”

The four Republicans on the House Education Committee voted against the bill. Several Republican lawmakers said they agreed that aggression against teachers is a problem, but they disagreed that a task force would help.

“Why are we not taking action instead of just a study?” said Rep. Anthony Hartsook, a Parker Republican.

Republican lawmakers also expressed concern about an amendment that said the task force could not recommend policies that would increase student discipline or result in more students being referred to law enforcement. The amendment passed on a party-line vote.

“If a student is beating up teachers, then what is the task force supposed to do about that scenario? What is their policy supposed to be if it doesn’t include discipline?” asked Rep. Don Wilson, a Monument Republican.

“Those solutions are going to be coming from our group of experts,” answered Rep. Elizabeth Velasco, a Glenwood Springs Democrat and one of the sponsors of the bill.

Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat, said her yes vote doesn’t mean that students shouldn’t be disciplined or even charged criminally, but represents the hope that the task force can come up with solutions that get at the root causes of unsafe behavior.

“We need right now to think of something different,” Bacon said.

The bill says the task force would be made up of:

The director of the state Office of School Safety.
Three teachers at district-run schools, representing urban, suburban, and rural districts.
Two school administrators employed at district-run schools.
One school leader or administrator of a charter school.
One charter school teacher.
Two education support professionals, including one who works with English learners.
One school support professional, such as a school psychologist or social worker, who understands neurological and developmental disorders such as autism.
A representative of an organization that works with low-income families in a school district where most students identify as students of color.
A representative of an organization that works with students with disabilities.
A student representing a community that is disproportionately impacted by school discipline.
A person who works for a nonprofit organization focused on school safety and training.
A certified restorative justice professional experienced in community-based juvenile restorative justice, which focuses on repairing harm rather than punishment.

The task force would meet at least four times this year and three times next year to come up with a final report and recommendations by June 30, 2025, the bill says.

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Lawmakers considering different bills affecting charter schools in Colorado

2024-03-28T20:40:56+00:00

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Colorado lawmakers are once again considering changes to charter schools this legislative session, but unlike in past years, there’s now one big bill calling for a comprehensive list of changes that critics say will weaken charter schools.

Under the bill, charter schools, which are publicly funded but independently run, could have to pay more to use buildings owned by school districts. School districts would be allowed to keep more of the per-student funding for charters, and they would have more control over decisions to close the schools.

Lawmakers backing the bill say it’s needed to hold charter schools accountable. But charter school supporters have called the bill “harmful.”

A separate bill seeks to pave the way for more charter schools to get local funding for construction projects.

The issues addressed in the new comprehensive bill aren’t new concerns for critics of charter schools, but this may be the first time they’re all addressed in a single bill. It may be a sign of growing division on the merits of charter schools.

Democrats control both chambers of the legislature, and both bills have Democratic sponsors. But Democrats themselves don’t always agree on charter schools. In recent years, legislators have expanded funding for state-authorized charter schools and voted down bills that would have made it easier for school districts to reject charter schools.

Democratic Gov. Jared Polis founded two charter schools and is a supporter of the independently run schools. He opposes the comprehensive bill, saying it would undermine school choice.

Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Democrat from Durango, said she does perceive a widening division among lawmakers regarding charter schools, and said that while she hasn’t made up her mind about the proposed restrictions on charters, she knows she would rather see more charters and districts working together.

“Instead of writing bills, one that is all pro-charter and one that is all anti-charter, you know, we waste a lot of time doing that,” McLachlan said. “I think eventually we’re going to have to come together.”

McLachlan sponsored the other bill, to help charters get construction funds. That’s the only one that has made its way through one of the legislative chambers. The comprehensive bill on accountability still awaits its first hearing, and is already seeing considerable pushback from pro-charter school groups.

A third bill that would have required districts to report more data about how charter schools are performing compared with district-run schools was killed earlier this month.

Here’s more information about the two bills that could still pass:

One bill focuses on strengthening charter school accountability

House Bill 1363, sponsored by Democrats Rep. Lorena Garcia, Rep. Tammy Story, and Sen. Lisa Cutter would change many rules for charter schools. Among them:

Charter schools would no longer be entitled to use buildings or space owned by school districts with limits on rent, and districts wouldn’t have to share lists of available space with charters. Denver Public Schools has long shared vacant buildings with charter schools and has even housed charter schools in the same buildings as district-run schools.
School districts could retain more of the per-pupil state funding allotted to charter schools based on their enrollment, beyond the current 5% cap. Currently, the amount retained up to that cap covers administrative and overhead costs, but under the bill, districts could also keep money to cover the costs of special education services provided to the charter. This change would eat into charter schools’ budgets and could make it harder for them to operate.
Charter school applications would have to include minimum enrollment thresholds, and schools would face closure if they don’t meet them. School districts are not currently allowed to close a charter school solely because of low enrollment.
New reporting rules would require a charter school website — and a district’s enrollment website — to include information about the laws and policies waived by the charter school, such as licensure laws for teachers.
Financial conflicts of interest would be strictly prohibited for charter school board members and the for-profit management companies that are sometimes hired to operate schools.
A change in how local school board decisions are appealed would eliminate a second appeal to the State Board of Education. At times the State Board has forced school districts to open or renew charter schools they’ve initially rejected. Most recently, the state also took away Adams 14′s ability to be the only authorizer for charter schools in the district, which paved the way for two charter schools that the district rejected, to open under authorization from the state Charter School Institute.
Community members would be allowed to appeal their district’s approval of a charter school.

Proponents of the bill say it’s needed to give local communities more control and to give charter schools requirements that are similar to what district-run schools have. The organizations that have signed on to support the bill include teachers unions.

Amie Baca-Oehlert, president of the Colorado Education Association, said she doesn’t consider the bill anti-charter, but rather, “pro-transparency and pro-accountability.”

“We’re supporting making sure that when parents are making decisions, they have the full picture, that they know where funding is coming from, what waivers of state law are being waived. That they understand what’s happening in their schools,” she said.

She said the union also supports allowing local school boards to make more decisions about charter schools in their communities.

Charter school advocates, meanwhile, are calling the bill harmful. Education reform groups and conservative groups such as Americans for Prosperity are against the bill, but so are other groups including the Douglas County school district, the Colorado Catholic Conference, El Paso County, and the Westminster Chamber of Commerce.

The Colorado League of Charter Schools condemned the bill, saying it “disrupts well-functioning systems and creates division between charter and traditional schools rather than improving public education.”

Dan Schaller, president of the league, said that the bill is frustrating because it brings up “some of the same fights of the past that don’t focus on kids.”

He said that if the bill was about accountability, it should focus on school outcomes. He also argues that some of the pieces of the bill are redundant and already addressed in law. Charter school boards, for example, are subject to the same conflict of interest laws that other school boards are, he said. And as far as being subject to closing because of declining enrollment, he said charter schools are already having to do that.

“Charters by their very nature have that self-regulating function built in,” Schaller said.

Gov. Polis’ office said in a statement: “Public charter schools are a popular option in Colorado, serving around 15% of our school-age children. This bill would weaken, rather than strengthen, school choice in Colorado and the Governor strongly opposes it.”

The other bill lets districts share tax money with more charters

In Colorado, charter schools can be authorized two ways: by a local school district or by the state Charter School Institute. House Bill 1154 would allow charter schools that are currently authorized by the Charter School Institute to ask to share in some of the proceeds of local voter-approved tax increases when they need funding for construction or building renovation projects.

Years ago, Colorado passed a law requiring that school districts share proceeds from their millage levy requests with their charter schools. But most districts took that to mean the charter schools they’ve approved, and not Charter School Institute Schools, even if those schools are physically located within their district.

The Charter School Institute currently authorizes 43 charter schools in the state, serving about 20,000 of Colorado’s approximately 880,000 students.

In some cases, lawmakers said during a hearing on the bill, charter schools approved by the state agency have not been allowed to share in that money. And even in cases where they ask to be included from the start, they have been turned down by school district administrators who often say that’s not allowed in the existing law.

The bill was modeled after a collaboration that took place in Durango.

McLachlan, the bill sponsor, said that in that community, the school district deliberately planned and included the state-approved charter schools in its tax request, and used that as a selling point for voters.

Voters in that community could be confident that all children in the community would benefit from the tax revenue, regardless of which school the children attended, McLachlan said.

The bill would not require districts to include charter schools authorized by the Charter School Institute, but aims to make it clear that districts can, if they choose to.

The bill was amended to lay out requirements on how these arrangements would take place, taking into account concerns from some lawmakers.

Those requirements include asking charter schools to show detailed plans ahead of time, and to explain why other funding sources aren’t enough for the capital projects. Then, school districts must enter into agreements with the charter schools that clarify how the bond proceeds would be shared and that specify that districts can take over the buildings to recover money owed if a charter school closes before the bonds are paid off.

The bill passed the House and has been introduced in the Senate.

Correction: This story was updated to reflect that Colorado law requires districts to share mill levy funding with district-approved charter schools, but not bond money.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Seclusion in Colorado schools: Parents, school officials split on a bill to ban the practice

2024-03-28T16:24:38+00:00

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Calling the practice inhumane, unethical, and akin to solitary confinement, opponents of secluding children alone in separate rooms in response to their behavior testified for hours Wednesday in support of a bill to ban the practice in Colorado schools.

The most emotional testimony came from mothers who said their children with disabilities had been secluded. Teresa Vargas recalled walking into her son’s school to see the then-fifth-grader shut in an office, holding a stuffed sloth that he brought to school every day up to the window.

As school administrators stood outside with clipboards, her son was crying “and asking, ‘Can I get out?’” Vargas said. Her son was in the room because he’d thrown the stuffed sloth, she said.

Christie Nichol said she didn’t realize her young son had been secluded for hours a day in what his elementary school called “the quiet room,” until she attended an art show at the school. When her son and a friend from his special education classroom showed her the room, Nichol said the boys had coined their own name for it: “the torture room.”

Other parents spoke about how their children soiled themselves inside seclusion rooms because they were so scared. Parents testified that even years later, their kids had nightmares and PTSD from being shut alone in rooms with innocuous sounding names like “the opportunity room” and “the relaxation room.” In one case, an advocate said a teacher referred to a bare seclusion room as “Australia,” alluding to a country with roots as a penal colony.

“For far too long, these rooms have served as symbols of fear and isolation,” bill sponsor Rep. Regina English, a Colorado Springs Democrat, said at the hearing Wednesday, “places where the voices of our most vulnerable students are silenced and their dignity stripped away.”

House Bill 1167, of which English is the sole sponsor, would require the State Board of Education to make rules banning seclusion by Nov. 1.

The bill would also give the State Board until July 1, 2025, to create a resource bank of materials “regarding appropriate alternatives to seclusion and restraint to assist school personnel with appropriate responses to behaviors.”

Although the House Education Committee heard testimony Wednesday, English asked to delay a vote on whether to move the bill forward. English said in an interview that she wants more time to work on amendments aimed at increasing the chances that the bill will pass.

Bill spurred by case at Denver’s McAuliffe International School

Colorado schools are currently allowed to put students in seclusion rooms with the door closed. Students must be monitored through a window or video camera. Seclusion rooms must be “free of injurious items” and cannot be otherwise used for storage, custodial, or office space.

Students are often placed into seclusion because of their behavior, and available data shows young students with disabilities are disproportionately secluded.

The use of seclusion has long been controversial, but it came under greater scrutiny last year when allegations surfaced about the use of seclusion rooms at a large and popular Denver middle school, McAuliffe International School. A subsequent investigation by Denver Public Schools found that McAuliffe staff placed students in seclusion without proper supervision.

English said the McAuliffe case spurred her to introduce a bill to ban seclusion. Former DPS school board member Auon’tai Anderson testified in favor of the bill Wednesday, describing the seclusion room at McAuliffe as a hidden room the size of a storage unit with locks on the window and door, and holes punched in the drywall by the students shut inside.

“It was very triggering, because it reminded me of a prison,” Anderson said in response to questions from state lawmakers. “I’ve never seen anything like it.”

A 2020 Chalkbeat investigation uncovered weak state oversight of seclusion, and Colorado lawmakers in 2022 passed new limits and reporting requirements. But the new requirements don’t go into effect until June, leaving lawmakers and others with little data — and conflicting opinions from parents and school officials — about how widespread the practice is.

Administrators argue for keeping seclusion option as a ‘last resort’

Most of the testimony on Wednesday was from parents, advocates, and local school board members who supported the bill. But a handful of school district and special education administrators testified that they’d like to see changes to the proposal.

The administrators described seclusion as a “last resort,” but said it is sometimes necessary.

Amy Lloyd, the director of special programs for Harrison School District 2 in Colorado Springs, described a young girl who would disrobe and urinate and defecate on the floor.

When the girl began to take off her clothes, school staff would take her to another room, standing outside if she was throwing feces, Lloyd said. When the girl calmed down, which Lloyd said usually took 12 minutes, the staff would help the girl clean up and return to class.

Moira Coogan, a longtime Denver principal, said she’d worked with nonverbal students with autism who would try to run out of the school and toward the nearest body of water. Because seclusion is defined in Colorado law as putting a student in a room alone and blocking their egress, Coogan said she and other principals worry that banning seclusion would also prevent school staff from stopping a student from running out of the school.

“We do have instances where the behaviors are frightening and are at a place where we have to protect the student, sometimes from their own behaviors,” Coogan said.

Lloyd described the seclusion rooms in her district as small, unlocked classrooms with rubberized walls and floors to prevent students from injuring themselves. She said some rooms have comfortable bean bag chairs and sensory items to help students calm down.

But parents and advocates painted a different picture of seclusion rooms they’d seen that were the size of closets, with scratch marks running down the walls. In contrast to the 12-minute seclusion Lloyd described, parents and advocates told stories of children secluded all day, every day. One mother said the school moved her daughter’s desk into the seclusion room.

Denver school board member Michelle Quattlebaum said some students at McAuliffe International School went straight from the school bus to the seclusion room, which staff members referred to by the names of the students who used it: “‘Oh, that’s such-and-such’s room.’” Quattlebaum said school staff explained to the district that they were trying to “get ahead” of the students’ behavior “so everyone else can have a good day.”

“Colorado is better than this,” Darlene Derbigny, a school board member in East Otero School District RE-1 in La Junta, said during the hearing. “We need to do better.”

If the bill passes, Colorado would join a handful of other states that have banned seclusion, including Florida, Georgia, and Hawaii.

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado budget would boost funding for higher education, end maneuver that shortchanged schools

2024-03-27T00:50:03+00:00

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Next year’s $40.6 billion Colorado state budget proposal unveiled on Tuesday aims to provide a big boost to K-12 schools and colleges and universities across the state.

K-12 funding would increase nearly 7% to about $9.7 billion next year. Average per pupil spending would increase by about 7%, or $780, to $11,450 next year.

Higher education funding would get an even bigger increase, 10%. But the total amount of state money going to colleges and universities — about $1.6 billion next year under the proposal — is far less than the funding allocated to K-12 schools.

For the first time since 2009, the budget proposes to “fully fund” K-12 schools by eliminating a maneuver that withheld education funds to pay for other priorities. The end of what’s called the budget stabilization factor marks a turning point for the state and schools.

The budget proposal was crafted by the powerful six-member Joint Budget Committee, using recommendations issued by Gov. Jared Polis in November as a starting point. The budget committee once again prioritized education in a budget that also features increases to Medicaid reimbursements and more money for state workers.

The proposal’s introduction kicks off lengthy debate in the House and Senate over amendments to the budget. Budget committee members typically reject most of those amendments from fellow lawmakers before sending it back to them for final approval.

Joint Budget Committee members have faced challenges wrangling this year’s budget due to an unexpected $170 million shortfall, and last week held marathon sessions to pare down some priorities.

Although the budget writers made cuts and used one-time revenue to fill holes, they were able to preserve K-12 spending and provide far more for higher education funding than what was called for in Polis’ November budget proposal.

K-12 education gets full funding

Colorado lawmakers are required to continually adjust funding for schools based on the rate of inflation plus growth in the state’s student population. But for years the state has withheld money that should have gone to schools, through the budget stabilization factor — over $10 billion since 2009.

Lawmakers have said they do not want to keep pulling money away from schools. They hope to meet their obligation from now on. But even without withholding money from schools, the state’s education funding for next year would fund schools at 1989 levels, adjusted for inflation.

Still, many school funding advocates see this year’s proposal as a step in the right direction for the state, even as they push for more funding in future years.

The budget also provides enough money for the state’s Healthy School Meals for All Program, a new program that provides free school meals for all students but is facing a funding shortfall, because more kids than expected are taking part. The state would spend $56.1 million to ensure the state doesn’t have to cut back the program.

Lawmakers will cover $15.1 million of the program cost next year through general fund revenue. The rest will come from tax money dedicated to the program.

Colorado would also fully fund state-authorized charter schools at a level similar to other schools, bringing total spending to $49.2 million. Unlike district-authorized charter schools, state-authorized charter schools are not required to get a cut of locally raised tax money.

Along with the budget, committee members also will file a separate bill that will provide $24 million this year for newly arrived immigrant students. Colorado schools are grappling with an influx of newcomers, and the bill will call for providing more money for districts serving students who enrolled after the Oct. 1 funding cutoff.

Meanwhile, the separate school finance act, which outlines education spending and was filed on Friday, adds a new formula for funding rural schools. In previous years, lawmakers have used one-time allocations to direct more money to rural districts.

The school finance act and budget are the only two pieces of legislation lawmakers must pass before they adjourn in May.

Next year, a new permanent recurring factor would add $32.7 million next year to total education funding to be distributed based on student enrollment within a rural district, defined as a district with fewer than 6,500 students.

However, the school finance act doesn’t make bigger changes to the school finance formula. Advocates have called for lawmakers to overhaul the state’s school funding formula. Earlier this year, they received recommendations that call for almost half a billion dollars annually to be pumped into a formula overhaul.

The recommendations call for phasing in the formula changes, but it’s a large sum for the state next year and in subsequent years, especially when lawmakers have proposed dipping into reserves next year to pay for K-12 education increases. So far, no bill has been filed calling for changes to the state’s education funding formula.

The school finance act would also hold off on changing how the state calculates which students are considered “at risk,” meaning students living in poverty and facing other challenges outside of school. Districts receive more money to educate at-risk students.

The state was considering rolling out the new formula this fall to use socioeconomic factors, including eligibility for Medicaid, food stamps, and other government assistance, along with data from the U.S. Census about community poverty, to calculate how many of a district’s students are at risk.

Instead, the school finance bill would push using the new calculation into the 2025-26 budget year.

Lawmakers make big investment in colleges and universities

Joint Budget Committee members held off for weeks on making any decision on higher education budgets to see if they could increase funding well beyond Polis’ $48.2 million recommendation. The proposal nearly triples that amount.

Lawmakers plan to set aside $139.4 million more next year for college and university operations and student financial aid: $114.3 million more for operations, and $25.1 million for student financial aid.

The state would also spend $1.5 million in financial aid for youth experiencing homelessness.

Under the proposal, colleges and universities would be allowed to raise tuition by up to 3% for in-state undergraduate students. Institutions would be able to increase nonresident undergraduate student tuition by no more than 4%.

In a December letter, Colorado public college and university leaders said they would need $161.4 million more next year to meet inflation and wage increases. This is the third year colleges and universities have banded together to ask for more money beyond Polis’ budget proposal.

Even with the extra funding next year, concerns remain about the rising tuition burdens on students, especially because Colorado students pay more on average than students at peer universities in other states. And Colorado also spends less on average for higher education than other states.

Bill to overhaul Colorado’s child care subsidy program clears first legislative hurdle

2024-03-12T21:15:29+00:00

The price tag of a bill to overhaul a Colorado program that helps low-income families pay for child care shocked some lawmakers Tuesday, but that didn’t stop a legislative committee from giving it initial approval.

House Bill 24-1223 would simplify the application process for the $156 million subsidy program, called the Colorado Child Care Assistance Program or CCCAP. It would also boost subsidy amounts for some families, make the program more attractive to child care providers, and cover child care tuition for the children of some full-time child care employees regardless of family income. Some of the proposed changes wouldn’t take effect until 2026.

The House Health and Human Services Committee approved the bill in an 8-4 vote Tuesday, with the most vociferous opposition coming from Rep. Richard Holtorf, a Republican representing several northeastern Colorado counties. He expressed concerns about the bill’s cost — about $81 million in the first year — among other things.

“When I first saw this bill and the fiscal note, I was shocked,” he said.

Rep. Lorena Garcia, a Democratic co-sponsor of the bill, noted that some of the bill’s provisions are part of new federal regulations and will come with federal money to pay for them.

“This is not the first time that the state has to preemptively pass policy in order to be able to draw down federal dollars,” she said. “In this case … we are extending the timeline out for two years. If something happens where these dollars then do not become available, we have time to correct.”

The bill’s next stop is the House Appropriations Committee.

Key provisions of the amended bill include:

Limiting parent co-pays to no more than 7% of family income, down from the current cap of 14%. An amendment approved Tuesday would delay the effective date of this provision to July 1, 2026.
Creating a uniform statewide application that doesn’t ask for extraneous information, such as custody agreements or child immunization records.
Allowing families to get or continue receiving child care aid for 90 days while their application or renewal paperwork is being reviewed, a provision that will help parents start working immediately and keep children in care. An amendment approved Tuesday would delay the effective date of this provision to July 1, 2026.
Paying child care providers who accept subsidies based on the number of subsidized children enrolled, not on the number of days those children attend. Currently, providers can lose money for days the child is absent beyond the number allowed by their county.
Making child care employees eligible for full subsidies regardless of their family income. An amendment approved Tuesday would limit this benefit to full-time child care employees who work at a facility that accepts CCCAP subsidies.

More than 20 people testified about the bill at Tuesday’s hearing, including single mothers who have used the subsidy program, providers who accept the subsidies, and advocates from groups such as Healthier Colorado, the Colorado Children’s Campaign, and the Women’s Foundation of Colorado.

Most expressed support for the bill, but a few, representing counties, voiced concerns.

Katie First, legislative director at Colorado Counties, Inc., a group that represents county commissioners, said allowing child care employees to access subsidies regardless of family income could take aid away from other families who need it.

“While we appreciate the need to support and recruit child care providers, we fear that prioritizing these providers will decrease the number of low-income families that we would be able to serve in our community,” she said.

Child care is a low-wage, high-turnover industry with many providers facing staff shortages in recent years.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

With more Colorado students eating free meals at school, state may cut back the program

2024-03-06T00:22:37+00:00

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In the first year that Colorado is paying districts to give students free meals at school, more kids are eating than expected.

That has left the program $56.1 million short this year. And lawmakers are working on how to close the funding gap.

Colorado voters in 2022 supported creating limits on tax deductions for the state’s highest earners as a way to fund free school meals for all students. Advocates at the time said that there were families in Colorado who, due to the state’s high cost of living, were struggling financially even though they didn’t qualify for subsidized meals under federal poverty guidelines.

In calculating the cost of the program, analysts expected that about 25% more children would eat a school meal, including students who would have qualified for free meals already and those who wouldn’t.

Instead, schools this year have seen a more than 35% increase in breakfast participation, and a more than 31% increase for lunch compared with last year.

The higher-than-expected participation — and program cost — is due largely to students who previously had to pay for a school meal. In most cases, the federal government doesn’t reimburse the districts for any part of those children’s meals, leaving the state to cover those costs alone.

In the Cherry Creek School District, district leaders said they are serving about 32,262 meals a day on average, up from 23,317 a day last year — a 38% increase.

The state legislature’s Joint Budget Committee this week agreed to fill the $56.1 million gap this year. About $31.5 million can be covered with additional revenue that has come in from the new tax provision, but the rest will likely need to come from the state’s general fund.

The committee is also providing $100,000 this year, and $150,000 next year, for the Colorado Department of Education to hire a consultant to help come up with solutions that might keep the program on budget next school year. That effort could involve figuring out how to maximize how much money districts get from the federal government.

But lawmakers said the state will consider all options. That includes cutting the program, changing the eligibility rules for free meals, or finding new ways to pay for it, such as pulling money from the education budget.

Committee lawmakers said that changing the eligibility rules would be a last resort.

“There are a lot of families that technically don’t qualify for free or reduced lunch, but man is it a huge help to them making rent,” said Sen. Jeff Bridges, a Democrat from Greenwood Village. “I would be really uncomfortable with anything that puts a means test back into this program.”

Bridges also said a goal of the program was to remove the stigma of eating free school meals by making them available to everyone, not just to students from low-income families.

Advocacy groups are also working on possible solutions. Anya Rose, director of public policy for Hunger Free Colorado, said the group is considering how to make the program more sustainable, including the possibility of a new ballot measure.

Without any changes to the meal program, state analysts predict Colorado will come up short by $27.8 million next year.

In addition to the universal free school meals, voters approved three grant programs that were supposed to be rolled out in the coming school years. The grants were meant to help districts with things like buying Colorado-grown food for meals, providing stipends for kitchen employees, and paying for training or equipment.

For now, those grant programs will be on hold.

Lawmakers on the Joint Budget Committee debated this week over whether they had a responsibility to keep the voter-approved program going, regardless of the additional cost to the state.

Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, a Brighton Republican, said that cost calculations have changed and the state has to deal with that.

“All of these warnings were given to us before, and we ignored them,” she said.

Before the plan was put to voters, lawmakers defeated a plan to offer free school meals to all, in part because of concerns about the cost.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Child care aid: Colorado lawmakers want more parents to get it — and more providers to accept it

2024-03-08T22:19:00+00:00

Colorado helps about 17,000 lower-income families pay for child care each year through its child care subsidy program. That’s only a fraction of the families eligible for assistance, and yet there are millions of dollars left on the table every year.

Theresa Ramirez, a single mother in Fort Collins, can attest to one reason why. Although she submitted her annual renewal paperwork early, a lag in getting it processed forced her to quit working for weeks after her baby’s subsidy was canceled.

Now, lawmakers are considering a bill that would overhaul the program, making it easier for families to access, boosting aid for some families, and making it more attractive for providers who accept subsidies. The bill would also cover full tuition for child care employees with kids in child care regardless of family income — a major benefit given the industry’s chronically low wages.

House Bill 24-1223, sponsored by three Denver area Democrats, will be heard in the House Health and Human Services Committee on March 12.

The proposed improvements to Colorado’s subsidy program — officially called the Colorado Child Care Assistance Program or CCCAP — come at a time when many families are struggling with the cost of living and some child care providers are raising tuition to cover their expanding costs. While lawmakers and advocates say it’s high time for fixes that allow more families to get subsidies and entice more child care providers to accept them, one of the bill’s co-sponsors said the price tag could be large. State legislative staff have not yet released the bill’s fiscal note, a detailed analysis of how much it will cost.

Kyle Piccola, vice president of communications and advocacy at Healthier Colorado, said he’s pleased the state is taking a “big holistic approach” to the child care subsidy bill.

“It’s a program that definitely needs improvement,” he said.

Rep. Lorena Garcia, a co-sponsor of the bill, said she’s encountered no opposition to the spirit of the bill, but acknowledged the cost could be a stumbling block for some lawmakers.

“I’m confident we’ll get it to a place where we’ll get it done,” she said.

Colorado’s $156 million child care subsidy program is funded by the federal government, the state, and counties. It’s available to homeless families as well as lower-income families in which parents are working, looking for work, or going to school. Most families who qualify for subsidies still pay a portion of child care costs in the form of a co-pay.

Several advocates and providers interviewed said the subsidy application, which is different in every county, can be invasive and intimidating. That can lead parents to skip it even if they need the help.

Nearly two-thirds of the state’s 64 counties use less than 75% of their subsidy dollars annually and this year, the program is on track to have up to $7 million in leftover funding, according to the Colorado Department of Early Childhood.

“It’s underutilized,” Garcia said.

More aid for families and incentives for child care providers

The bill would make a number of changes required by newly released federal rules aimed at reducing the cost of child care and some changes that are Colorado specific. Key provisions of the bill include:

Limiting parent co-pays to no more than 7% of family income, down from the current cap of 14%.
Creating a uniform statewide application that doesn’t ask for extraneous information, such as custody agreements or child immunization records.
Allowing families to get or continue receiving child care aid for 90 days while their application or renewal paperwork is being reviewed, a provision that will help parents start working immediately and keep children in care.
Paying child care providers who accept subsidies based on the number of subsidized children enrolled, not on the number of days those children attend. Currently, providers can lose money for days the child is absent above the number allowed by their county.
Making child care employees eligible for full subsidies regardless of their family income.

Overall, the bill aims to better serve families that currently receive subsidies, attract new ones, and incentivize more child care providers to accept subsidies.

This year, nearly 26,000 Colorado children get subsidized care through the program, only about 11% of eligible children, according to estimates from Healthier Colorado. Just over 2,000 child care providers accept state subsidies, fewer than half of the state’s providers.

What parents and providers are saying

Ramirez, who lives with her four children in Fort Collins, described CCCAP subsidies as a lifeline that allowed her to work starting when her youngest child, 13-month-old Sarai, was six weeks old.

Ramirez brings home about $1,300 a month from her work cleaning houses. Her co-pay is $4 a month at The Family Center/La Familia, a family resource center that runs a highly rated child care program in the northern Colorado city. Her daughter loves it there, she said.

But when Ramirez lost her subsidy for a few weeks after her renewal application stalled, she had no choice but to bring Sarai home and decline all cleaning jobs. It’s the kind of wrinkle the subsidy bill could help fix.

Under the bill, such cancellations would be averted by giving families what’s called “presumptive eligibility,” essentially a 90-day grace period in which subsidies would start or continue while officials review applications or renewals.

Ramirez said anything in the bill that streamlines and strengthens the application and renewal process will make a difference for families like hers.

Corinne Bernhardt, executive director of Young Peoples Learning Center in Fort Collins, said the plan to give full subsidies to employees will help about a quarter of her 25 staff members. It will also make it easier to hire new employees amid industry-wide labor shortages.

The center’s current staff discount for child care isn’t always enough to get qualified candidates with young children in the door, she said.

“To have to say, ‘Well, we can give you a 50%-off discount, but it’s still going to cost you $1,500 a month to bring your kid here, but we’re only going to pay you $17 an hour,’ a lot of people are like, ‘OK, I guess I’m just going to stay home,’” she said.

Bernhardt said she also likes the provision requiring that providers be reimbursed based on enrollment instead of attendance because it will reduce administrative hassles for her staff.

Overall, she believes by making much needed improvements to the state’s subsidy program, the bill will help Colorado’s economy.

“Parents can’t go into the workforce, if they can’t find child care,” she said.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Cómo la muerte de un amigo hizo que adolescentes de Colorado se volvieran activistas contra las sobredosis

2024-03-05T15:30:41+00:00

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Gavinn McKinney amaba las zapatillas Nike, los fuegos artificiales y el sushi. Estudiaba Potawatomi, uno de los idiomas de sus ancestros nativos americanos. Le encantaba cargar a su sobrina y oler su aroma de bebé. En su cumpleaños número 15, el adolescente de Durango, Colorado, pasó una tarde fría de diciembre cortando leña para ayudar a vecinos que no podían pagar para tener calefacción en sus hogares.

McKinney casi llegó a su cumpleaños 16. Murió a causa de envenenamiento por fentanilo en casa de un amigo en diciembre de 2021. Sus amigos dicen que era la primera vez que probaba drogas duras.

A su servicio fue tanta gente que algunos tuvieron que quedarse fuera de la funeraria.

Ahora, sus compañeros están tratando de cimentar el legado de su amigo en una ley estatal. Recientemente testificaron ante legisladores estatales en apoyo a un proyecto de ley que ayudaron a redactar para asegurar que los estudiantes puedan llevar naloxona consigo en todo momento sin miedo a que sea confiscada o a ser sancionados.

Los distritos escolares tienden a tener políticas estrictas sobre medicamentos. Sin un permiso especial, los estudiantes de Colorado ni siquiera pueden llevar sus propias medicinas de emergencia, como un inhalador, y no se les permite compartirlas con otros.

“Nos dimos cuenta de que realmente podríamos lograr un cambio si nos esforzábamos de corazón”, dijo Niko Peterson, estudiante de último año en Animas High School en Durango y uno de los amigos de McKinney que ayudó a escribir el proyecto de ley. “Ser proactivo en lugar no hacer nada va a ser la mejor solución posible”.

Algunos distritos escolares o condados en California, Maryland y en otros lugares tienen reglas que permiten expresamente a los estudiantes de secundaria llevar naloxona. Pero Jon Woodruff, abogado gerente en la Legislative Analysis and Public Policy Association, dijo que no estaba al tanto de ninguna ley estatal como la que está considerando Colorado. La organización de Woodruff, que tiene su sede en Washington, DC, investiga y redacta borradores de proyectos legislativos sobre el uso de drogas.

La naloxona es un antagonista de los opioides que puede revertir una sobredosis. Disponible sin receta como un aerosol nasal, se la considera una protagonista clave en el freno a la epidemia de sobredosis por su uso en emergencias, pero solo una herramienta en una estrategia de prevención. (La gente a menudo se refiere a la naloxona como “Narcan”, uno de los nombres de marca más reconocibles, similar a lo que pasa con los pañuelos desechables, a los que, independientemente de su marca, se los llama “Kleenex”.)

El año pasado, la administración Biden respaldó una campaña publicitaria que alentaba a los jóvenes a llevar consigo el medicamento de emergencia.

Las leyes de acceso a la naloxona en la mayoría de los estados protegen a los buenos samaritanos, incluidos los jóvenes, de la responsabilidad si dañan accidentalmente a alguien mientras administran naloxona.

Pero sin políticas escolares que la permitan explícitamente, la capacidad de los estudiantes para llevar naloxona a clase queda en un área gris.

En 2022, Ryan Christoff trabajaba en Centaurus High School en Lafayette, Colorado, adonde también estudiaba una de sus hijas. En septiembre de ese año, sus compañeros de trabajo le confiscaron la naloxona a una compañera de clase de su hija.

“Ella no tenía nada más que el Narcan consigo, y se lo quitaron”, dijo Christoff, quien le había proporcionado el Narcan confiscado a esa estudiante y a muchos otros después que su hija casi muriera por envenenamiento por fentanilo. “Deberíamos querer que cada estudiante lo lleve consigo”.

Randy Barber, vocero del Distrito Escolar del Valle de Boulder, dijo que el incidente “fue un caso aislado y desde entonces hemos trabajado para asegurarnos de que las enfermeras estén alertas”. El distrito ahora anima a todos a considerar llevar naloxona, dijo.

Zoe Ramsey, estudiante de último año de secundaria de Durango, Colorado, testificó ante legisladores estatales en febrero sobre un proyecto de ley para aclarar que los estudiantes pueden portar naloxona, un medicamento que puede revertir las sobredosis de opioides.

La devastación de una comunidad se transforma en acción

En Durango, la muerte de McKinney golpeó duro a la comunidad.

Los amigos y familiares del joven dijeron que no consumía drogas duras. La única sustancia a la que era “adicto” era la salsa picante Tapatío, incluso llevaba un poco en el bolsillo a los juegos de los Rockies.

Después de la muerte de McKinney, la gente comenzó a hacerse tatuajes de la frase por la que era conocido, que estaba estampada en su sudadera favorita: “El amor es la cura”. Incluso algunos de sus profesores se la tatuaron.

Pero fueron los compañeros de clase, junto con sus amigos de otra escuela secundaria de la ciudad, quienes convirtieron su pérdida en un movimiento político. “Estamos haciendo que las cosas sucedan en su nombre”, dijo Peterson.

La tasa de mortalidad por envenenamiento a causa del fentanilo ha aumentado en los últimos años, con más de 1,500 niños y adolescentes en el país muertos el mismo año que McKinney.

La mayoría de los jóvenes que mueren por sobredosis no tienen antecedentes conocidos de consumo de opioides, y muchos de ellos probablemente pensaron que estaban tomando opioides recetados como OxyContin o Percocet, no las píldoras falsas recetadas que contienen cada vez más una dosis letal de fentanilo.

“Lo más probable es que el grupo más grande de adolescentes que están muriendo sean realmente adolescentes que están experimentando, en lugar de adolescentes que tienen un trastorno de uso de opioides de larga data”, observó Joseph Friedman, investigador de uso de sustancias en UCLA, a quien le gustaría ver que las escuelas proporcionen una educación precisa sobre drogas falsificadas, como con el plan de estudios Safety First de Stanford.

Permitir a los estudiantes llevar un medicamento de bajo riesgo que salva vidas es, en muchos aspectos, lo mínimo que las escuelas pueden hacer, dijo Friedman.

“Yo argumentaría que lo que las escuelas deberían estar haciendo es identificar a los adolescentes de alto riesgo y darles el Narcan para llevarlo a casa y enseñarles por qué es importante”, dijo Friedman.

En un artículo en The New England Journal of Medicine, Friedman identificó a Colorado como un área crítica para las muertes por sobredosis en adolescentes de secundaria, con una tasa de mortalidad de más del doble que la del país de 2020 a 2022.

“Cada vez más, el fentanilo se vende en forma de píldoras, y esto está sucediendo en gran medida en el Oeste”, dijo Friedman. “Creo que la crisis de sobredosis en adolescentes es un resultado directo de eso”.

Gavinn McKinney murió por envenenamiento con fentanilo en la casa de un amigo en diciembre de 2021. McKinney era parte del Clan del Trueno de la Nación Ciudadana Potawatomi. También tenía herencia Kickapoo y Assiniboine.

Si los legisladores de Colorado aprueban el proyecto de ley, “creo que es un paso realmente importante”, dijo Ju Nyeong Park, profesor asistente de medicina en la Universidad Brown, quien dirige un grupo de investigación centrado en cómo prevenir las sobredosis. “Espero que la Legislatura de Colorado lo haga y que también otros estados sigan el ejemplo”.

Park dijo que los programas integrales para analizar drogas en busca de contaminantes peligrosos, un mejor acceso a tratamientos basados en evidencia para adolescentes que desarrollan un trastorno por uso de sustancias, y la promoción de herramientas de reducción de daños también son importantes.

“Por ejemplo, hay una línea directa nacional llamada Never Use Alone (Nunca Uses Solo) a la que cualquiera puede llamar de manera anónima para ser supervisado de forma remota en caso de emergencia”, dijo.

Tomando el asunto en sus propias manos

Muchos distritos escolares de Colorado están capacitando al personal en cómo administrar naloxona y la tienen en las instalaciones escolares a través de un programa que les permite adquirirla del estado a poco o ningún costo.

Pero para Peterson y otros estudiantes de secundaria del área, fue claro que tener naloxona en la escuela no era suficiente, especialmente en lugares rurales. “Los profesores que están capacitados para usar Narcan no van a estar en las fiestas en donde los estudiantes consumen drogas”, dijo.

Y no es suficiente esperar que los adolescentes la tengan en casa.

“No va a ser útil si está en la casa de alguien a 20 minutos fuera de la ciudad. Será útil si está en su mochila siempre”, dijo Zoe Ramsey, otra amiga de McKinney y estudiante de último año en Animas High School.

Pero estudiantes del área, y administradores escolares, no estaban seguros: ¿Los estudiantes podrían meterse en problemas por llevar el antagonista de opioides en sus mochilas, o por dárselo a amigos? ¿Podría una escuela o distrito ser considerado responsable si algo saliera mal?

“Nos informaron que estaba en contra de las reglas llevar naloxona, y especialmente distribuirla”, dijo Ilias “Leo” Stritikus, quien se graduó de Durango High School el año pasado.

Ilias, junto con Ramsey y Peterson, ayudaron a formar el grupo Students Against Overdose. Juntos, convencieron a Animas, que es una escuela autónoma, y al distrito escolar cercano, de cambiar las normas. Ahora, con el permiso de los padres, y después de recibir capacitación sobre cómo administrarla, los estudiantes pueden llevar naloxona en las instalaciones escolares.

Karla Sluis, vocera del Distrito Escolar 9-R de Durango, dijo que al menos 45 estudiantes han completado la capacitación. Los distritos escolares en otras partes del país también han determinado que es importante clarificar sobre la capacidad de los estudiantes para llevar naloxona.

“Queremos ser parte de salvar vidas”, dijo Smita Malhotra, directora médica principal del Distrito Escolar Unificado de Los Ángeles en California.

El condado de Los Ángeles tuvo uno de los recuentos de muertes por sobredosis en adolescentes más altos que cualquier otro condado del país: de 2020 a 2022, murieron 111 adolescentes de 14 a 18 años.

Uno de ellos fue un joven de 15 años que murió en un baño de su escuela por envenenamiento por fentanilo. Desde entonces, el distrito de Malhotra ha actualizado su política sobre naloxona para permitir que los estudiantes la lleven y la administren.

“Todos los estudiantes pueden llevar naloxona en nuestros campus escolares sin enfrentar ninguna disciplina”, dijo Malhotra. Agregó que el distrito también está fortaleciendo el apoyo entre pares y organizando sesiones educativas para familias y estudiantes.

Las Escuelas Públicas del Condado de Montgomery en Maryland tomaron un enfoque similar. El personal escolar tuvo que administrar naloxona 18 veces durante el transcurso de un año escolar, y cinco estudiantes murieron a lo largo de un semestre.

Cuando el distrito organizó foros comunitarios sobre el tema, Patricia Kapunan, la oficial médica del distrito, dijo: “Los estudiantes fueron muy elocuentes sobre querer acceso a la naloxona. Es muy poco probable que un estudiante lleve algo en su mochila que piense que podría causarle problemas”.

Entonces, también, clarificó su política. Mientras tanto, los medios de comunicación locales informaron que estudiantes de secundaria encontraron a un joven desmayado, con los labios morados, en el baño de un McDonald’s enfrente de su escuela, y usaron Narcan para revivirlo. Fue durante el almuerzo en un día de escuela.

“Narcan no es nuestro camino para salir de la crisis de uso de opioides”, dijo Kapunan. “Pero fue crítico usarlo primero. Como conocer el número 911″. Ahora, con el apoyo del distrito y del departamento de salud del condado, los estudiantes están capacitando a otros estudiantes sobre cómo administrar naloxona. Jackson Taylor, uno de los estudiantes entrenadores, estimó que, un sábado reciente, capacitaron a unos 200 en el transcurso de tres horas.

“Fue increíble, un paso hacia la solución del problema”, dijo Taylor.

Cada aprendiz se fue con dos dosis de naloxona.

Esta historia fue producida por KFF Health News, una redacción nacional enfocada en el tratamiento en profundidad de temas de salud, que es uno de los principales programas de KFF, la fuente independiente de investigación de políticas de salud, encuestas y periodismo. KFF Health News edita California Healthline, un servicio editorialmente independiente de la California Health Care Foundation.

How a friend’s death turned Colorado teens into anti-overdose activists

2024-03-04T21:38:08+00:00

Leer en español.

This story was produced by KFF Health News and is republished with permission.

Gavinn McKinney loved Nike shoes, fireworks, and sushi. He was studying Potawatomi, one of the languages of his Native American heritage. He loved holding his niece and smelling her baby smell. On his 15th birthday, the Durango, Colorado, teen spent a cold December afternoon chopping wood to help neighbors who couldn’t afford to heat their homes.

McKinney almost made it to his 16th birthday. He died of fentanyl poisoning at a friend’s house in December 2021. His friends say it was the first time he tried hard drugs. The memorial service was so packed people had to stand outside the funeral home.

Now, his peers are trying to cement their friend’s legacy in state law. They recently testified to state lawmakers in support of a bill they helped write to ensure students can carry naloxone with them at all times without fear of discipline or confiscation. School districts tend to have strict medication policies. Without special permission, Colorado students can’t even carry their own emergency medications, such as an inhaler, and they are not allowed to share them with others.

“We realized we could actually make a change if we put our hearts to it,” said Niko Peterson, a senior at Animas High School in Durango and one of McKinney’s friends who helped write the bill. “Being proactive versus being reactive is going to be the best possible solution.”

Individual school districts or counties in California, Maryland, and elsewhere have rules expressly allowing high school students to carry naloxone. But Jon Woodruff, managing attorney at the Legislative Analysis and Public Policy Association, said he wasn’t aware of any statewide law such as the one Colorado is considering. Woodruff’s Washington, D.C.-based organization researches and drafts legislation on substance use.

Naloxone is an opioid antagonist that can halt an overdose. Available over the counter as a nasal spray, it is considered the fire extinguisher of the opioid epidemic, for use in an emergency, but just one tool in a prevention strategy. (People often refer to it as “Narcan,” one of the more recognizable brand names, similar to how tissues, regardless of brand, are often called “Kleenex.”)

The Biden administration last year backed an ad campaign encouraging young people to carry the emergency medication.

Most states’ naloxone access laws protect do-gooders, including youth, from liability if they accidentally harm someone while administering naloxone. But without school policies explicitly allowing it, the students’ ability to bring naloxone to class falls into a gray area.

Ryan Christoff said that in September 2022, fellow staff at Centaurus High School in Lafayette, Colorado, where he worked and which one of his daughters attended at the time, confiscated naloxone from one of her classmates.

“She didn’t have anything on her other than the Narcan, and they took it away from her,” said Christoff, who had provided the confiscated Narcan to that student and many others after his daughter nearly died from fentanyl poisoning. “We should want every student to carry it.”

Boulder Valley School District spokesperson Randy Barber said the incident “was a one-off and we’ve done some work since to make sure nurses are aware.” The district now encourages everyone to consider carrying naloxone, he said.

Zoe Ramsey, a high school senior from Durango, Colorado, testified before state lawmakers in February about a bill to clarify that students may carry naloxone, a drug that can reverse opioid overdoses.

Community’s devastation turns to action

In Durango, McKinney’s death hit the community hard. McKinney’s friends and family said he didn’t do hard drugs. The substance he was hooked on was Tapatío hot sauce — he even brought some in his pocket to a Rockies game.

After McKinney died, people started getting tattoos of the phrase he was known for, which was emblazoned on his favorite sweatshirt: “Love is the cure.” Even a few of his teachers got them. But it was classmates, along with their friends at another high school in town, who turned his loss into a political movement.

“We’re making things happen on behalf of him,” Peterson said.

The mortality rate has spiked in recent years, with more than 1,500 other children and teens in the U.S. dying of fentanyl poisoning the same year as McKinney. Most youth who die of overdoses have no known history of taking opioids, and many of them likely thought they were taking prescription opioids like OxyContin or Percocet — not the fake prescription pills that increasingly carry a lethal dose of fentanyl.

“Most likely the largest group of teens that are dying are really teens that are experimenting, as opposed to teens that have a long-standing opioid use disorder,” said Joseph Friedman, a substance use researcher at UCLA who would like to see schools provide accurate drug education about counterfeit pills, such as with Stanford’s Safety First curriculum.

Allowing students to carry a low-risk, lifesaving drug with them is in many ways the minimum schools can do, he said.

“I would argue that what the schools should be doing is identifying high-risk teens and giving them the Narcan to take home with them and teaching them why it matters,” Friedman said.

Writing in The New England Journal of Medicine, Friedman identified Colorado as a hot spot for high school-aged adolescent overdose deaths, with a mortality rate more than double that of the nation from 2020 to 2022.

“Increasingly, fentanyl is being sold in pill form, and it’s happening to the largest degree in the West,” said Friedman. “I think that the teen overdose crisis is a direct result of that.”

Gavinn McKinney died of fentanyl poisoning at a friend’s house in December 2021. McKinney was part of the Thunder Clan of the Citizen Potawatomi Nation. He also had Kickapoo and Assiniboine heritage.

If Colorado lawmakers approve the bill, “I think that’s a really important step,” said Ju Nyeong Park, an assistant professor of medicine at Brown University, who leads a research group focused on how to prevent overdoses. “I hope that the Colorado Legislature does and that other states follow as well.”

Park said comprehensive programs to test drugs for dangerous contaminants, better access to evidence-based treatment for adolescents who develop a substance use disorder, and promotion of harm reduction tools are also important. “For example, there is a national hotline called Never Use Alone that anyone can call anonymously to be supervised remotely in case of an emergency,” she said.

Taking matters into their own hands

Many Colorado school districts are training staff how to administer naloxone and are stocking it on school grounds through a program that allows them to acquire it from the state at little to no cost. But it was clear to Peterson and other area high schoolers that having naloxone at school isn’t enough, especially in rural places.

“The teachers who are trained to use Narcan will not be at the parties where the students will be using the drugs,” he said.

And it isn’t enough to expect teens to keep it at home.

“It’s not going to be helpful if it’s in somebody’s house 20 minutes outside of town. It’s going to be helpful if it’s in their backpack always,” said Zoe Ramsey, another of McKinney’s friends and a senior at Animas High School.

“We were informed it was against the rules to carry naloxone, and especially to distribute it,” said Ilias “Leo” Stritikus, who graduated from Durango High School last year.

But students in the area, and their school administrators, were uncertain: Could students get in trouble for carrying the opioid antagonist in their backpacks, or if they distributed it to friends? And could a school or district be held liable if something went wrong?

He, along with Ramsey and Peterson, helped form the group Students Against Overdose. Together, they convinced Animas, which is a charter school, and the surrounding school district, to change policies. Now, with parental permission, and after going through training on how to administer it, students may carry naloxone on school grounds.

Durango School District 9-R spokesperson Karla Sluis said at least 45 students have completed the training.

School districts in other parts of the nation have also determined it’s important to clarify students’ ability to carry naloxone.

“We want to be a part of saving lives,” said Smita Malhotra, chief medical director for Los Angeles Unified School District in California.

Gavinn McKinney’s mother, whose name is being withheld because they are part of a state confidentiality program for survivors of domestic violence, at the Colorado state Capitol for a hearing in February on a bill to clarify that students in the state may carry naloxone, a drug that can reverse opioid overdoses.

Los Angeles County had one of the nation’s highest adolescent overdose death tallies of any U.S. county: From 2020 to 2022, 111 teens ages 14 to 18 died. One of them was a 15-year-old who died in a school bathroom of fentanyl poisoning. Malhotra’s district has since updated its policy on naloxone to permit students to carry and administer it.

“All students can carry naloxone in our school campuses without facing any discipline,” Malhotra said. She said the district is also doubling down on peer support and hosting educational sessions for families and students.

Montgomery County Public Schools in Maryland took a similar approach. School staff had to administer naloxone 18 times over the course of a school year, and five students died over the course of about one semester.

When the district held community forums on the issue, Patricia Kapunan, the district’s medical officer, said, “Students were very vocal about wanting access to naloxone. A student is very unlikely to carry something in their backpack which they think they might get in trouble for.”

So it, too, clarified its policy. While that was underway, local news reported that high school students found a teen passed out, with purple lips, in the bathroom of a McDonald’s down the street from their school, and used Narcan to revive them. It was during lunch on a school day.

“We can’t Narcan our way out of the opioid use crisis,” said Kapunan. “But it was critical to do it first. Just like knowing 911.”

Now, with the support of the district and county health department, students are training other students how to administer naloxone. Jackson Taylor, one of the student trainers, estimated they trained about 200 students over the course of three hours on a recent Saturday.

“It felt amazing, this footstep toward fixing the issue,” Taylor said.

Each trainee left with two doses of naloxone.

This article was produced by KFF Health News, which publishes California Healthline, an editorially independent service of the California Health Care Foundation.

KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.

Colorado bill would limit the use of shortened school days for students with disabilities

2024-02-28T20:33:38+00:00

When Meighen Lovelace’s daughter was in fifth grade two years ago, her school day started at 10 a.m. and ended at noon.

Lovelace said officials in their rural Colorado school district told them that was the only portion of the school day an aide was available to support the girl in her special education classroom.

Lovelace and her husband reluctantly accepted the two-hour school day.

“They had a kind of a take-it-or-leave-it attitude,” Lovelace said of school officials. “It felt like that was our only choice.”

Now, state lawmakers are considering a bill that would put stricter guardrails on the use of shortened schedules for students with disabilities and collect data on how often those students miss part of the school day because they are sent home early or placed on modified schedules. House Bill 24-1063, titled “Addressing Abbreviated School Days,” aims to better track and define a practice that parents and advocates say is isolating for students and disruptive for families, but often occurs under the radar.

The House Education Committee unanimously approved the bill on Feb. 15. Its next hearing will be in the House Appropriations Committee, but that hearing has not been scheduled.

The bill would require the Colorado Department of Education to create a policy stating when shortened school days are permitted and what information parents must be given. The policy would also require school teams to regularly review such schedules for students with disabilities. Under the bill, the department would also have to provide training to school districts on abbreviated school days.

Starting in 2026, the bill would require the department to publicly post school district data showing the number of students with disabilities who have abbreviated schedules, broken down by race, gender, and English learner status. The bill’s $219,000 price tag would cover the cost of additional staff at the education department.

During public testimony at the Feb. 15 hearing, several advocates for students with disabilities, including Lovelace, said students who are sent home early not only lose out on learning and friendships, but quickly get the message that schools value some students more than others. No one testified against the bill, though educators have said on previous occasions that short staffing and a lack of resources make it hard to serve students with severe needs.

Hanni Raley, executive director of the Arc of Aurora, a group that advocates for people with disabilities, said her organization is working with 30 families whose children face shortened school days. In one case, a single father’s job is at risk because he’s been asked to pick up one child early two days a week because the school can’t manage the child’s behavior. In another, a mother has been asked to keep her child home on days she’s not available to be at school to help the child use the toilet because school staff doesn’t have time to assist the child in the bathroom more than three times a day.

“These abbreviated school days currently go undocumented and unreported,” Raley said. “The burden will solely be felt by the family, and the child will continue to experience negative consequences in their academic, social, and emotional development.”

State Rep. Mary Young, a Greeley Democrat who co-sponsored the bill, said there are some cases where a shortened school day makes sense for students and garners explicit consent from families. For example, she talked about a young girl who was in a car accident in which her mother died. Initially, the girl, who’d suffered a brain injury, was brought back to school on a shortened schedule, slowly transitioning back to a full day as she recovered physically and emotionally.

But Young said there are many instances where shortened days are unplanned and educators simply tell parents to pick up their kids early.

“Parents and guardians should not be cut out of their legal right to make decisions with the special education or 504 team about their child’s education,” she said. “This bill addresses those significant concerns.”

A 504 plan spells out accommodations that students with disabilities are entitled to at school.

Lovelace said she wasn’t happy about her daughter’s short school day in fifth grade, but didn’t want to question school officials.

“They’re the professionals and you believe them because they’re the authority figures,” she said in an interview.

Lovelace said even during the two-hour window when her daughter was in school, officials asked Lovelace to stay in the neighborhood — 45 minutes away from the family’s home — in case they needed her to pick up her daughter early. Lovelace, who declined to identify her daughter’s disability to protect the girl’s privacy, said her employer was understanding, but eventually she lost her job. Today, Lovelace serves as the mental health policy lead at the Colorado Cross-Disability Coalition, a disability rights advocacy group.

The early school pickup had a big impact on Lovelace’s daughter, too — setting her back academically and socially.

“What am I supposed to do? All my friends are in school,” her daughter would say during the long afternoons at home. “There are no kids at the playground, Mom.”

After months of looking, Lovelace found a school in a different district that offered the support her daughter needed to attend school all day. Although it was even farther away, Lovelace said the school’s approach was far more welcoming and positive.

“It was a relief,” she said.

Lovelace said she believes the bill, if passed, will provide more information about which students are affected by shortened school days and why, so that better processes can be put in place to meet their needs.

She also hopes it will remind policymakers that shortened days may send a message to students with disabilities that they don’t belong at school.

“When they’re sent home, that’s what they feel, that’s what they hear,” she said.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado bill to curb book bans in school and public libraries voted down in education committee

2024-02-29T02:06:09+00:00

Colorado lawmakers on the Senate Education Committee voted against a bill that would have made it harder to remove content from a school or public library.

Senate Bill 49 had undergone numerous changes after concerns from Colorado school districts that the bill was too prescriptive and would trample on their ability to make policy decisions that are unique to their community.

State Sen. Lisa Cutter, a Jefferson County Democrat and co-sponsor of the bill, held off on asking for a vote on the bill on Monday to introduce amendments after a three-hour committee hearing.

But on Wednesday, the Senate Education Committee voted against the bill with a 5-2 vote, after voting 4-3 against the amendment to the proposal.

Cutter said after the hearing she thought changes she made were enough to get the bill approved.

“We’ve made a lot of accommodations and, honestly, I am not 100% sure why it didn’t pass,” she said.

The most significant pushback came from the Colorado Association of School Boards, which represents over 1,000 school board members across the state. But Cutter said the amendments were enough for the association to drop its opposition.

During testimony, Hilary Daniels, the association’s staff attorney, said the original bill interfered with Colorado’s local control provision, which allows boards to tailor educational policy to meet the needs of their community.

The law also would have been redundant, she said.

“Local boards of education are fully aware of First Amendment constitutional law, which prohibits them from removing school library books for partisan or discriminatory reasons,” she said. “These legal parameters are already included in CASB (Colorado Association of School Boards) sample policy regarding public complaints about instructional materials, which districts use to inform their own policies.”

School board members from across the state who represent the association said many schools have already created their own policies that address pieces of the legislation, including who can and cannot challenge a book. Those policies help protect content and staff, they said.

Cutter and other lawmakers worked through those concerns on Tuesday, and the amended bill brought forward on Wednesday said schools and libraries shall create a process — if they do not already have one — that addresses pulling a book or other library material, such as films, audiotapes, or computer software.

The bill would have also created protections for librarians, school administrators, and volunteers. Under the bill, only residents who live within a library district or have children within a school would have been able to request the removal of a book.

Content also wouldn’t have been able to be reconsidered for removal more than once every five years.

“I’m actually particularly disappointed that we didn’t at least consider the portion that had to do with public libraries,” Cutter said. “I would have liked to have at least addressed that.”

Librarians and other advocacy groups such as the ACLU of Colorado and the Colorado Association of Libraries testified that the proposal would have protected content and librarians.

From January to August 2023, Colorado libraries heard eight challenges of 136 titles, according to the American Libraries Association. Book bans also surged across the nation during the same time period, and other states have passed laws prohibiting bans.

The most sweeping challenges have come from a handful of conservative organizations.

Colorado Education Association President Amie Baca-Oehlert said most of the books challenged were written by or about a person of color or a member of the LGBTQ+ community.

“This political tactic has dire consequences for children, who research shows greatly benefit from seeing people like themselves in books and in their classrooms,” she said.

Cutter said she will explore whether she can reintroduce the bill and “see if we can figure out what the issues were.”

Colorado bill would require schools to call students by their preferred name

2024-02-16T05:45:38+00:00

A bill drafted by young Coloradans would require educators statewide to call students by their preferred name upon request.

Sponsors said the legislation is an effort to support transgender youth and protect them from bullying. The Colorado Youth Advisory Council, a group of 40 students from across the state, helped state lawmakers draft the bill.

During an almost-four-hour committee hearing Thursday, supporters of House Bill 1039 said the bill would curtail discrimination against transgender students and create a more inclusive environment statewide. Opponents said the bill would infringe on educator and parent rights, as well as create problems in classrooms and spur potential legal issues.

House Education Committee members approved the bill by a 7-to-4 vote along party lines, with Democrats voting in favor and Republicans voting against the measure.

State Rep. Stephanie Vigil, a Colorado Springs Democrat sponsoring the bill, said many transgender youth feel like their self-expression hasn’t been respected by school districts.

State Rep. Brianna Titone, an Arvada Democrat, and Democratic state Sens. Faith Winter, of Westminster, and Janice Marchman, of Loveland, are also sponsoring the bill.

“Colorado prides itself so much on being welcoming, where people are free to be themselves and how they live,” Vigil said to the education committee members. “We feel like it’s important to act on that.”

House Bill 1039 would require Colorado public schools to adopt policies to ensure educators honor a student’s request to be called by a preferred non-legal name.

Under the bill, students would not have to legally change their name for an educator to call them by that name. The bill ensures schools would conform to non-discrimination laws.

The bill is supported by groups such as One Colorado, an LGBTQ+ advocacy organization, and the Colorado School Counselors Association.

During the hearing, numerous transgender youth testified that district policies often don’t honor who they are. They said many educators insist on using students’ legal names. The students said they’ve dealt with bullying and terrible treatment, and the bill, if passed, would help them in the classroom.

“The steps that we’re taking would create an environment where being transphobic is not tolerated,” said Theo Martin, an 18-year-old student at Lewis-Palmer High School.

Martin said in an interview that he testified on Thursday because his friend committed suicide five months ago after intolerable treatment at school.

Martin said he’s also personally experienced intolerance. Educators have used his legal name as a way to disrespect him, and a fellow student threw a basketball at him and broke his nose when he came out, Martin said. He added that legally changing his name is a costly and difficult step.

Seventeen-year-old Sam Charney said they want the same rights as other students. They said it’s been an uphill battle to get their school to recognize their identity.

“A legal name change is expensive and most people don’t have access or the ability to do that,” Charney said. “This will give the students the tools to be able to live their authentic self.”

Opponents included numerous far-right, parents rights, and Christian groups. Several charter school advocates also spoke against the bill.

Opponent Donna LaBelle said she worried that students would start changing their names several times a month, which would confuse teachers. She also said children’s legal names are important to parents.

“You probably remember how important that decision was to give someone their name,” she said.

In voting against the bill, House Minority Leader Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican, said she wanted proponents to know she heard their experiences, but she voted no because the bill doesn’t require schools to tell parents if their children ask to be called by a preferred name.

Correction: This story has been updated to remove a description of the bill that incorrectly said the bill would include preferred names on unofficial student records. An amendment to the bill removed that language.

Colorado lawmakers to consider bill that may curb book bans in school libraries and public libraries

2024-02-13T01:48:22+00:00

Some Colorado lawmakers want to make it harder to pull books from the shelves of public libraries and school libraries, especially when the challenges come from people who live outside the community.

Sen. Bill 24-49 would create a standard process through which books or other library materials could be challenged and outlines the makeup of school district committees that would have the authority to remove books from school libraries. The bill also spells out who can submit a book challenge. At a school library, challengers could be an enrolled student or the parent of a student. At a public library, a resident of the local library district could challenge a book.

The bill, which will be heard by the Senate Education Committee on Feb. 22, comes at a time when book bans and challenges are more prevalent than they’ve been in decades. Often, those challenging books raise objections about how subjects like race, racism, or LGBTQ issues are handled. In some cases, dozens of challenges originate with one person.

During a press conference Monday in the State Capitol building, Sen. Lisa Cutter, a Jefferson County Democrat and co-sponsor of the bill, framed the measure as a way to ensure young people in Colorado have the freedom to read, including books that “might challenge preconceived notions or present uncomfortable truths.”

While Cutter and others spoke, supporters of the bill, including from the state teachers union, the American Civil Liberties Union, and the LGBTQ advocacy group One Colorado, held up books that have been banned in the past — titles like, “Where the Wild Things Are,” “Hunger Games,” “The Hate U Give,” and “Anne Frank: The Diary of a Young Girl.”

Lily Williams, a Colorado teacher and illustrator, also spoke at the press conference, recounting how her graphic novel, “Go With the Flow” was banned in Keller, Texas, in 2022. The book is about “growing up, best friends and getting your first period,” she said.

Williams, who teaches art at Carlson Elementary in Idaho Springs, talked about meeting a middle school girl during the book tour who confessed that she didn’t have anyone to talk to about puberty.

“When adults censor and ban books, important conversations and questions don’t suddenly stop,” she said. “Those conversations and questions and simply move to a less safe space.”

Williams said after the press conference that she hopes the bill will provide checks and balances so that book challenges aren’t quite so “free-form.”

The bill specifies that a committee appointed by the school district superintendent would consider challenges to school library books. The committee would include a district administrator, three teachers, three principals, a parent on the District Accountability Committee, and a student or recent graduate. It also would include three parents whose children are students of color or part of the LGBTQ community. The bill says a book could be removed only if the committee unanimously approves.

Cutter’s bill is a response to the book bans debated recently in Douglas County and nationally.

In August, conservative activist Aaron Wood requested the removal of four books that featured LGBTQ content. The Douglas County library board rejected the appeals by Wood.

Nationally, there’s been a surge in book bans, according to the American Libraries Association. From January to August 2023, Colorado libraries heard eight challenges of 136 titles. And across the nation, there were 531 attempts to ban books with over 3,900 book titles challenged from January to August 2023.

The most sweeping challenges have come from a handful of conservative organizations, including Moms for Liberty, according to the Associated Press. Cutter said she doesn’t want that to happen in Colorado, and the bill outlines the criteria for a challenge.

“You can’t just come from out of state,” she said.

Some Colorado education groups want to see the bill amended.

“Obviously, as school administrators, we support access to materials in school. That’s terrific,” said Bret Miles, executive director of the Colorado Association of School Executives.

But he said the bill should be pared down to allow more flexibility because it’s too prescriptive about how school districts make decisions about library books.

“These are the kinds of decisions that are best left to a local community,” he said.

Michelle Murphy, executive director of the Colorado Rural Schools Alliance, said the bill essentially excludes local school boards from developing their own book challenge policies or deciding the makeup of committees in charge of book removal decisions.

She said the alliance is still hoping to work with the bill’s sponsors to come up with amendments that would make it more palatable.

After the press conference, Cutter said she and other lawmakers are working on amendments to the bill.

“We’re trying to relax the committee structure and the process so that it’s not onerous for school districts and rural schools,” she said. “We started out probably too prescriptive.”

Reporter Jason Gonzales contributed to this report.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Why some Colorado lawmakers say funding for K-12 schools is at 1989 levels

2024-02-05T21:26:48+00:00

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Colorado is nearing the end of the Budget Stabilization Factor era.

Since 2009, Colorado lawmakers have channeled over $10 billion from schools to other priorities, a policy called the “BS Factor.” Gov. Jared Polis and lawmakers want to stop diverting money from schools to “fully fund” the state’s obligation in the proposed 2024-25 budget.

But, some Democratic lawmakers argue Colorado won’t be spending at 2024-25 levels. Instead, they point to 1989. And no, not the Taylor Swift album.

“Just because we’ve paid off the budget stabilization factor and we are finally fully funding our schools, we are actually fully funding them at 1989 levels,” said state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and vice chair of the powerful Joint Budget Committee, at Chalkbeat’s Legislative Preview event last month. “So we still have some more work to do.”

Here’s why, they say: When you adjust for inflation, Colorado’s spending next year would be about the same as 34 years ago.

I’m proud that we're finally paying off the BS factor for K-12 funding. But, eliminating the BS just gets us back to 1989 funding levels. That's a pretty far cry from "fully funding." #copolitics pic.twitter.com/7UtbSWQCWB
— Rep. Chris deGruy Kennedy (@Kennedy4CO) January 11, 2024

In 1989, Colorado spent $4,629 per student. Next year, the state projects to spend $11,319 per student.

Schools need to stretch the money further than in 1989, according to Tracie Rainey, Colorado School Finance Project executive director, a school funding advocate.

Because how much we spend on education doesn’t account for the changes that the nation, the state, and their communities now hold districts accountable for, such as more testing and higher standards, Rainey said.

School funding (Colorado’s version)

For nearly 30 years, Colorado has ranked below most of the country in school funding, Rainey said.

Coloradans have created tax policies that lowered their property tax bills, and decreased what was spent for statewide services — including education, she said.

Voters adopted the Gallagher Amendment in 1982 to reduce housing assessment rates. Then in 1992, voters approved the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights, otherwise known as TABOR. The constitutional amendment limits government spending and requires voter approval for certain taxes. Any excess dollars collected above the TABOR cap must be returned to taxpayers.

With less money going toward schools, voters in 2000 approved Amendment 23 to return education spending to 1989 levels. The provision required per-student spending to increase by inflation plus 1% each year until 2011. After that, per-student spending would increase each year by at least the rate of inflation.

As Colorado neared its goal, the Great Recession hit. A year later in 2009, Colorado lawmakers began to funnel money away from K-12 education through the Budget Stabilization Factor, known at the time as the “negative factor,” to fund other crucial obligations.

That’s why, with the factor’s end, Colorado is now back to 1989.

It’s almost over now. But what’s next?

Last week, the state received recommendations from a School Finance Task Force on a new formula to fund schools. The formula hasn’t seen a major update since 1994.

The new formula will require the state to spend $474 million more dollars on schools, although the task force recommends phasing in the new formula starting this year. Lawmakers say money will be tight if they want to eliminate the BS Factor and fund other priorities.

The school funding formula answers the question of how to divvy up state dollars. But there’s another question, too: what’s an “adequate” level of funding?

What do schools need to account for the years of shifting expectations, including providing Information Technology services, required testing, student mental health care and an increase in English learning students?

Additionally, teachers statewide have called for salary increases, with the state struggling to keep many educators in the classroom, and districts facing other challenges, like the rising cost of health care and benefits.

Colorado has for years used grant programs to offset some costs for school districts, Rainey said. But there are haves and have nots — many large school districts have grant writers but some small districts have superintendents filling in on bus routes, she said. And, grants also expire.

Now, the state will await two adequacy studies, due by January 2025, that will give lawmakers a better idea of what districts need financially to teach students.

It’s important work, because what’s adequate for a district changes based on the community, Rainey said. For instance, Cherry Creek has high schools with thousands of students, while 100 districts have less than 1,000 total students.

“I would hope that when this analysis is done, lawmakers see what that base level of funding should be so that every student, no matter what district they’re in, has an amount that reflects what they need in order to meet the expectations that the state is holding them to,” Rainey said. “And I think that’s going to be a really important benchmark.”

Even then, Colorado lawmakers could still face funding challenges.

If the adequacy studies say the state must spend a lot more on education, lawmakers would then need to debate how to raise revenue, Rainey said. A referendum sent to voters would be the fastest way to increase state funding, but tax increases are unpopular with voters.

“We would need state level leadership from the governor to legislators on down to support this so voters would say, ‘Yes,’ " she said.

New recommendations would overhaul Colorado’s school funding formula. Now, lawmakers have to figure out how to pay for it.

2024-02-03T01:20:17+00:00

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A proposed overhaul of Colorado’s school funding formula is being hailed as long overdue, though lawmakers are wondering how they’ll pay for it and some education advocates say it’s only a partial answer to decades of underfunding.

Under the proposal, Colorado schools would get more money to meet the needs of English learners and students with disabilities, and rural districts would get more funding to address their challenges.

If adopted, it would be the first major change in 30 years to how Colorado divvies up funding to schools. The proposal, released this week, is the work of a 17-member task force that managed to reach agreement on thorny issues that have tanked previous efforts to reform the current formula, which is widely viewed as out-of-date and unfair.

“With the formula change, the state can really target those resources to the kids who need the most,” said task force member Brenda Dickhoner, CEO of the conservative education advocacy group Ready Colorado. “We are really moving away from a one-size-fits-all educational model to a really individualized model that takes place in a variety of different types of educational settings. And I think that is what’s going to close our achievement gaps.”

But the new formula would require about $474 million to implement — a roughly 8.9% increase in state education funding — when lawmakers already expect a tight budget year and want to spend money on other priorities, including higher education.

And some proposed changes could get pushback. Even task force members disagreed on some details, such as how to fairly account for higher costs in different parts of the state. State Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat who will co-sponsor the school finance act, said she’s open to the recommendations. But she also wants to better understand how the new formula — which would permanently increase education funding — would affect spending in future years, especially because the state would need to use its savings to pay for the changes.

“I originally thought that we should definitely not do anything this year,” said Zenzinger, vice chair of the legislature’s Joint Budget Committee. “Now having read the report, I’m more open to contemplating changes that we can make this year.”

What does the formula do?

In a letter from the task force, Chair Chuck Carpenter, who also serves as Denver Public Schools chief financial officer, said the legislature charged the group with creating a “simpler, less regressive, more adequate, understandable, transparent, equitable, and student-centered” school finance formula. The task force brought together a bipartisan collective of advocacy groups and educators from across the state.

Carpenter said the state’s formula was created before the current understanding of what public schools should be, including greater expectations involving standards, testing, and curriculum.

The task force report said it expects the legislature to consider the recommendations as a whole.

“Hopefully the work of this task force will lead to substantive changes or at least incremental improvement,” he said in the letter. “Our work need not and will not be the final word.”

This is the latest of many efforts to rewrite the school finance formula over the last decade. The current formula gives far more weight to district characteristics, such as district size and whether the cost of living is high, than it does to factors like how many students live in poverty. The result is that some wealthy districts end up with more state funding than poor ones.

But efforts to change the formula have faced stiff political headwinds because no district wants to get less money. Lawmakers created the task force after a previous school finance committee disbanded without recommending a formula rewrite.

The new formula would increase base student funding, so nearly every district would get more money. It also would dramatically increase how much more districts get for each student from a low-income household, each English learner, each student with a disability, and each gifted student.

Overall, districts serving students with higher needs, districts with low property wealth, and small, rural districts would come out ahead.

Districts with a higher cost of living still would get more money, but not as much as in the current formula. How to account for those differences could see more debate. Thirteen of the state’s 178 districts are projected to lose money under the recommended formula, including Douglas County, Boulder Valley, Littleton, Cheyenne Mountain, Academy 20, Poudre, and Aspen. These districts all serve more affluent communities, though for years they have pointed out they have to pay teachers more to live there and spend more on basic services.

Task force member Riley Kitts, Democrats for Education Reform’s senior director of policy and government affairs, said the group reached a strong consensus on most of the changes, which he called long overdue.

The task force is also working on studies to determine how much Colorado should spend on K-12 schools if it wants to see better outcomes. Those studies are due by January 2025.

Kitts said he believes the studies shouldn’t hold up a formula change this year.

Lawmakers and education leaders are reviewing the report

The recommendations come as lawmakers have committed to “fully fund” K-12 education for the first time since the Great Recession. That means ending the practice of holding back money — more than $10 billion in the last decade — to pay for other budget priorities.

Even doing that requires dipping into education reserves. At the same time, federal pandemic aid is expiring, revenue is down slightly, and lawmakers are struggling to pay for behavioral health, affordable housing, and a slew of other priorities.

Ultimately, lawmakers, especially the powerful six-member Joint Budget Committee, will decide whether they can afford to start the phase-in this year.

In a statement, a spokesperson for Gov. Jared Polis said districts serving students with higher needs have been short changed for years, and the governor looks forward to conversations with legislators, school districts, and others about the best way to make a difference for students through the formula this year.

Senate President Stephen Fenberg, a Boulder Democrat, said in a statement he is grateful for the recommendations and members will dig in to see what’s feasible for implementation this year.

House Education Chair state Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat, said her initial read left her pleased because it tries to address funding issues for rural schools. If it can’t be adopted this year, she hopes to at least see a plan for when it would be.

“Let’s use the work and not ignore it,” she said.

Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican, called the work an “incremental — miniscule — step in the right direction.”

Lundeen said he’d prefer to see money fund students at the school level, instead of left to districts to distribute. And he would have liked to see money for schools that are getting strong results educating students.

Lundeen wouldn’t commit to supporting the formula changes.

“I’m working diligently to make it better,” he said. “I’m not going to say yes to something that is subpar to where I think it can get.”

Some education advocates have reservations. Tracie Rainey, Colorado School Finance Project executive director, said she wants to see the results of the adequacy studies first. Those might suggest different funding levels than those in the current recommendations.

Analyses that account for regional cost differences put Colorado about $2,000 below the national average in per-student spending. Rainey said half a billion dollars more won’t get Colorado to the national benchmark.

“If they can wait to do things until they get the adequacy study, then the state can really build out a roadmap and a plan because you have all the information,” Rainey said. “You still don’t have a lot of information.”

And Amie Baca-Oehlert, Colorado Education Association president, said that the formula illustrates statewide underfunding of K-12 schools. She wants Colorado lawmakers to talk about how to increase revenue for schools, “because the state needs the right revenue to do this.”

“Our hope is that this just continues to build the momentum to help voters understand and stand with us when we go to the ballot for a revenue fix for education,” she said.

Will Colorado lawmakers save a team that helps Spanish-speaking child care providers get licensed?

2024-01-25T22:13:26+00:00

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Leer en español.

Nehife Sanchez raised five kids as a stay-at-home mom and always helped her relatives and friends when they needed child care. Her youngest is 15, and the only child she takes care of regularly now is her granddaughter.

So when she was watching Univision with her husband one night in 2022 and saw an ad for a course to get certified in child care, she decided she was ready to take her love of caring for kids to the next level.

“Really, I always wanted to have something like this,” Sanchez said.

After taking the course, she was motivated to apply for a child care license. But Sanchez almost quit several times, not having realized all that it would require — background checks, visits to her local government office, inspections and changes to her home, buying the right materials, and taking more courses. She credits having Spanish-language help from the Colorado Department of Early Childhood with helping her persevere when, for example, she was shunted between county offices amid confusion about which one was responsible for her.

Lawmakers could soon provide more support to people like Sanchez. A bill introduced in the Colorado legislature this session is looking to keep and expand the department’s bilingual support team. The legislation’s sponsor, Democratic state Rep. Junie Joseph, said she hopes it is one small piece of a solution to the larger problem of the shortage of child care.

“We have a large population that could provide that service,” Joseph said. “But we have to make all of our community members feel supported.”

Joseph, who is bilingual herself, is sponsoring House Bill 1009 to make funding for the support permanent. If the bill is passed, the state would give the department an additional $235,000 per fiscal year to pay for the bilingual licensing unit.

Joseph says that the bill is important to her for many reasons, including as a way to increase the number of safe, quality, child care spots available across the state.

“We know this has been an underserved community,” said Carin Rosa, director of the licensing division for the department.

Sanchez said the Spanish-speaking team at the state department always answered her calls, responded to her emails, and helped her find solutions. She calls them her guardian angels.

Helping providers get licensed and avoid scams

In 2022, the early childhood department was able to hire a team of three bilingual staff members who help people through the licensing process to become licensed child care providers. The department used COVID relief money to do it. But that funding won’t be available after September.

Right now, the department says it is actively processing 25 applications for Spanish speakers, and is supporting another 69 who are already licensed but say they prefer their support in Spanish. They expect that number to grow as more people learn about their ability to access licensing.

Part of the reason for the expected increase is that in 2021, Colorado made it legal for people who can’t prove legal residency to pay for and earn certain work licenses including in childcare or education. Word has been slow to spread, and advocates say even local government employees are sometimes unaware of that new access.

Carla Colin, a program manager for the Latino Chamber of Commerce in Boulder, is supporting the bill because she believes it makes sense to help businesses.

“We don’t think language should be a barrier for a business,” Colin said. Supporting people in the language they understand “puts those in home businesses in a better position instead of working in the shadows.”

Joseph and Colin also see the bill’s purpose, and the early childhood department’s outreach to Spanish speakers, as an important part of discouraging scammers and those who overcharge and underdeliver.

Groups have popped up that claim to help Spanish speakers and those without legal status navigate the application process for professional or business licenses. But they often charge thousands of dollars, and sometimes may not actually deliver what they promise.

Colin said people sometimes call her to find out if they’re being lied to. But people often hesitate to report who the bad actors are.

Colin said she hears reports of people paying these groups more than $5,000 for a child care license.

“It’s an outrageous amount of money and especially for someone who might not be working yet,” she said.

Getting accurate information to people and support from the proper authorities is necessary, she said. She wishes the government would work more closely with teams like hers that work directly with the community.

At the early childhood department, much of the bilingual team’s first year after they were hired in 2022 was trying to get the word out. Rosa said the team has connected with some groups that work with the Latino community, translated documents, and created Spanish trainings. But the team is limited and hasn’t always been able to meet the requests for more training in the community.

Building trust and creating awareness takes time, state officials said.

If the bill is passed, one goal for the funding is to have the state’s website translated so people can find more information easily, and to do some other technology upgrades that would allow the team to carry their own caseload instead of just assisting other team members when they’re working with Spanish speakers.

Technology changes would also allow reports to be automatically generated in Spanish for Spanish-speaking providers, such as after an on-site inspection.

Rosa said the department knows Spanish speakers who apply for licenses often have had to use a child or friend who spoke English to interpret for them at on-site inspections or other meetings.

“That never felt right to us,” Rosa said.

“We really want children to have caregivers that reflect their communities, their families,” Rosa added.

Nehife Sanchez got Spanish-language help from the Colorado Department of Early Childhood in her quest to become a licensed child care provider.

And if things go well, the department leaders would like to eventually add support for languages other than Spanish. For now, they’re starting by collecting data on what the preferred language is for each applicant and existing provider.

Because she primarily speaks Spanish, Sanchez was first relying on her husband, who is bilingual, to make calls for her when he was home from work, before they learned about the bilingual licensing team.

After an eight-month process that Sanchez said she was only able to complete with the bilingual team’s hand-holding — and her own persistence — , Sanchez became a licensed home care provider in August.

She’s now in the process of getting the word out and trying to recruit families. She’s hoping to have more than 10 children in her care in the next year, which might eventually allow her husband to quit his day job so they can work together at home. He’s taken the same courses as her, and they plan to keep learning together about how to help children learn.

It’s the dream, she said.

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Can a high school climate literacy seal help connect students to green jobs?

2024-01-30T00:50:00+00:00

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Colorado lawmakers hope to pass legislation this year that will help students show they have an understanding of climate literacy when they graduate high school.

Senate Bill 14 would allow Colorado districts to provide a seal of climate literacy when awarding a high school diploma if students study or gain skills related to the environment. Proponents say it would fill a growing demand to learn about the climate and help graduates show they have the skills for green jobs or a background in managing Colorado’s natural resources.

For students to earn the seal, they would need to complete coursework or demonstrate certain skills determined by districts and complete a project.

State Sen. Chris Hanson, a Denver Democrat, sponsored the bill to help schools across the state recognize students for participation in programs and classes that are already taking place statewide. Those programs could include what students learn in Future Farmers of America, science classes, apprenticeships programs in green jobs, or learning about energy conservation and resource management.

He said the seal would help students get skills for jobs that are expected to grow by 10% in the next five years, including installing solar panels, electric chargers, heat pumps, or heating and cooling systems. He said those jobs support Colorado’s pledge to reach its climate goals.

“Young people, they recognize and want to make sure they understand the complexities of climate issues,” Hanson said.

The bill cleared its first hurdle Monday during a Senate Education Committee with a party-line 4-3 vote. State Sen. Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican, voted against the bill because of concerns that the program would pull focus away from the core mission of getting Colorado students proficient in English, math, and science.

However, educators who attended the hearing said the climate programs they already teach have helped students make stronger connections in other subjects.

The seal wouldn’t be the first of its kind. Colorado also has a seal of biliteracy that schools can give to students who have attained proficiency in two or more languages.

The bill, also sponsored by Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat, provides about $22,700 in annual statewide funding that the state will use to support schools issuing the seal of climate literacy.

Approved classes to earn the climate seal include Advanced Placement physical, life, or earth sciences, or a career education program geared toward climate literacy, such as learning trades in alternative energy like solar farms. The state will also develop a report about the seal to understand how schools teach about climate literacy.

South Routt School District Superintendent Kirk Henwood, who leads the district near Steamboat Springs, said during the committee hearing that the seal would allow the district to provide recognition for work that it already does, such as teaching students about land management in an area with a long agricultural history.

“Having a seal of climate literacy furthers our efforts to ensure that our high school graduates have the verified skills and knowledge needed to enter the workforce and postsecondary education opportunities,” he said. “Understanding the climate and environment is critical to sustain a rural way of life where land and water are literally the building blocks of our world.”

Colleges across the state also have climate programs, Hanson said, and the seal would help students continue their education by demonstrating their understanding of climate literacy to colleges and universities.

The seal would also help Colorado students connect to jobs, including in supporting a new statewide partnership that looks to strengthen the state’s emerging climate sector.

In an announcement on Monday, colleges and universities across the state announced a new partnership with the CO-WY Engine, an initiative that helps advance Colorado and Wyoming’s ability to address, analyze, and monitor the region’s climate.

The investment by the U.S. National Science Foundation’s Regional Innovation Engines program will spend $160 million over 10 years to support that work, including growing the workforce needed for new or existing jobs, according to the announcement.

Colorado universities and colleges want $161.4 million more. Can they also make cuts to become more efficient?

2024-01-23T20:12:27+00:00

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For the third year in a row, Colorado’s public college and university leaders have written a letter to the state legislature’s powerful Joint Budget Committee asking for more money than what’s proposed in Gov. Jared Polis’ budget.

Polis wants to increase Colorado’s higher education budget next fiscal year by $42.7 million. In the letter, 15 college and university leaders asked for quadruple the increase: $130.8 million more for their operations next year, plus another $30.6 million for state financial aid. The December letter says the money will help schools increase employee pay and battle inflation without needing to make cuts. Otherwise, they’ll need to raise tuition beyond 2% for in-state and 6% for out-of-state students.

The call for more money comes after Polis said he would work with colleges and universities to keep tuition low and create “greater efficiency,” specifically in administrative costs and ensuring state money goes toward instruction. The Joint Budget Committee has the final say on whether to increase the funding beyond the governor’s request. They have provided schools with more money beyond Polis’ proposal in the last two years.

Colorado’s college and university leaders said they agree with the governor that they need to be good stewards of state money, and they’ve made many cuts since the Great Recession as state investment in higher education dwindled — Colorado funds higher education near the bottom for full-time students. According to a state study, Colorado institutions are more than $900 million below the average funding of their national peers.

Administrative costs might include positions that schools use to comply with federal regulations and reporting requirements, or support for mental health and diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts, according to Tom Harnisch, State Higher Education Executive Officers Association vice president of government affairs. Information technology services are administrative costs.

Nationally and statewide, it’s tricky to calculate how much colleges and universities spend on administrative costs, because each school calculates them differently or not at all, said Richard Vedder, an economist with Ohio University. For example, the Colorado Community College System doesn’t tally administrative costs for its 13 schools. But even if the number is squishy, some research shows the national average spending on administrative costs is 20%, he said.

Recent research suggests administrative costs aren’t a big driver of driving up costs on campuses and reducing affordability to students. Regional colleges and community colleges also tend to be more efficient because they usually have smaller budgets and less wiggle room to spend, Harnisch said.

As Colorado has begun to invest more in higher education in recent years, school leaders have said they’ve found savings in administrative costs while adding services that help students get to and through college.

Some Colorado Community College System schools have cut programs and turned to online instruction to keep costs down. At the CSU System, CSU Fort Collins officials regularly analyze their budgets to shift expenses to other priorities — they’ve reallocated $70 million over 15 years — and the system finds ways to share costs across schools, such as IT expenses.

CSU Fort Collins spends about 7% on administrative costs compared to 22% at peer institutions, said Tony Frank, the CSU System president. Other system schools — CSU Global and Pueblo — have similar cost breakdowns.

Frank said running a university means constant reevaluation, and if school leaders say there’s nothing else they can rework in their budgets to better higher education for students, then “they probably ought to fire all of us.”

Yet efficient spending doesn’t always translate to student results.

Colorado colleges and universities are under pressure to help get more students to graduation and make sure students who don’t graduate aren’t saddled with debt. Colorado also has a workforce shortage and needs more workers who are college educated for the jobs available.

The administrative services that help students get to and through college, like academic or mental health counseling, drive up expenditures, said Dustin Weeden, a SHEEO associate vice president.

That matters because just like in K-12, some students are going to cost more to educate and support, Weeden said. Students who are the first in their families to go to college or come from low-income backgrounds might need more help to graduate.

“The conversation then becomes what is the adequate level of funding needed to educate them,” he said.

To get more students to graduate, Garcia said schools have needed to increase student services as well as pay staff competitive wages.

JBC members have indicated they want to give colleges and universities more money, with Republicans and Democratic members of the committee saying they would like to fund higher education and maintain college affordability.

Legislative leaders also echoed that support, with House Speaker Julie McCluskie, a Dillon Democrat, saying she’s deeply committed to funding higher education.

Once the JBC writes the state budget, the Colorado House and Senate will submit amendments and vote on the budget. The Joint Budget Committee will then ensure it has a balanced budget for a final vote and signature by the governor.

Much will depend on what the state can afford. There are other competing high cost issues this year, including the end of the budget stabilization factor. The state has used the budgetary maneuver to withhold money that should go to K-12 schools to pay for other priorities.

Frank said he commended the governor and other lawmakers for considering increasing state funding for colleges and universities while also demanding that schools make sure state money benefits students the most.

He stressed that pay raises outlined in the letter are important to maintain the quality of instruction and services at schools for students.

“Once that starts to spiral, it’s hard to recruit students,” he said.

Science scores, low tuition, ‘full education funding’ highlighted in Polis’ annual speech

2024-01-12T01:04:49+00:00

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In his annual State of the State speech Thursday, Gov. Jared Polis thanked lawmakers for agreeing to end a longstanding Colorado practice of withholding money from K-12 schools to balance the state budget. His words were met with a standing ovation.

“This has been a long time coming,” Polis said, “and we are thrilled to fulfill our commitment to voters and enter a new era of full education funding in Colorado.”

Since 2009, the state has withheld more than $10 billion from Colorado schools through a mechanism known as the budget stabilization factor. Last year, lawmakers passed a provision within the state’s education funding bill to eliminate the withholding.

While the provision isn’t binding, Polis, along with both Democratic and Republican leaders, have said they wanted to keep that promise.

Polis said in his speech that this year’s promise to fund schools without taking away money would mean better teacher pay, more learning opportunities for students, increased training for teachers, and better resources in classrooms.

State lawmakers on the powerful Joint Budget Committee, which helps craft the state budget, echoed Polis. State Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, a Weld County Republican, said she and fellow JBC members plan to make sure that education is funded responsibly and sustainably.

“We’re not going to go back to where we are balancing our budget on the backs of students,” Kirkmeyer said in an interview. “It’s not going to happen. Not in my time.”

What else did Polis say about education in his speech? Here are some highlights.

What Polis means by ‘greater efficiency’ in higher education

What Polis said: “We are working with higher education institutions to keep tuition low through innovation and greater efficiency.”

What that means: Higher education budgets are again a topic of concern this year among lawmakers after the governor’s November budget proposal, especially because Colorado students pay more to go to an in-state public university than the national average.

Polis’ budget set aside $39.7 million more for college and university budgets and financial aid. Another $3 million would be used to support the college attendance of youth who have experienced homelessness.

Joint Budget Committee members have said they want to give more state money to colleges and universities on top of what Polis has proposed, especially because school leaders have said they’ll have difficulty keeping tuition rates at the mandated 2% increase for in-state students and 6% increase for out-of-state students next year.

While Polis’ priorities help shape the budget, ultimately the General Assembly adopts a budget in March or April that is actually written by the six legislators on the Joint Budget Committee.

During a news conference after his State of the State address, Polis said “greater efficiency” would include analyzing administrative costs at schools and ensuring state money goes toward teaching students.

Kirkmeyer said she’s disappointed in the amount of money Polis earmarked.

“The reality is if we don’t cover basic core costs at our institutions of higher education,” Kirkmeyer said. “Then the tuition has to go up. And I’m with him on let’s keep the tuition down. But let’s not, as one of our university presidents said, bleed out higher education, because that’s what he is doing.”

Colorado Senate President Stephen Fenberg, a Boulder Democrat, said Democrats have been supportive of higher education and ensuring they can be strong to train the workforce.

“But we also do agree that we need to take a hard look,” he said. “There are limited resources. And so yes, we do need to partner with our institutions and make sure that they are providing services and degrees in a manner that’s efficient and that’s worth the investment.”

Science instruction gets a boost

What Polis said: “Last year we also passed bipartisan legislation to help more students and educators access the resources they need to improve math achievement … Now we need to expand out of school opportunities to boost science achievement too.”

What that means: The state has focused on boosting resources to improve reading and math instruction in recent years.

Not all students statewide take the test, but 2023 statewide science results show about a third of students in fifth and eighth grade met or exceeded standards. About a quarter of all students in 11th grade met or exceeded standards on the test.

Last year, Colorado set aside $28 million to increase math resources statewide, including for after-school programs and tutoring.

This year, the governor updated his budget proposal in January to include $8 million to support science education.

About $3 million will go to schools to improve curriculum and training for educators. Another $5 million would fund out-of-school academic support for Colorado students.

Colorado House Speaker Julie McCluskie, a Dillon Democrat, said as someone who graduated college with a chemistry degree, she’s very supportive of the focus.

“We’ve got to make sure we’re nurturing young minds in the sciences to be sure they’re ready for those careers,” she said

Polis promises to expand workforce training

What Polis said: “Right now there are about two job openings for every unemployed Coloradan. We want every person in Colorado to be able to build a good life and a good career on their own terms, and we are creating many different ways to do that.”

What that means: Polis and lawmakers made an investment last year in expanding free training programs across the state in certain fields such as health care, firefighting, law enforcement, and education.

The goal from the state is to train more Coloradans for in-demand jobs. Some of those industries, however, don’t pay as high, and the state’s free training program is meant to help subsidize that education so students aren’t saddled with debt by choosing those careers.

Polis said during his speech that the program has already served over 3,500 students. Polis has his eyes on expanding other opportunities, too, such as apprenticeships that help students learn on the job.

“We want to go even further, increasing the number of state government apprenticeships by 50% and supporting the creation of 100 new apprenticeship opportunities in the private sector — both by June 30 of this year,” he said.

Polis’ November budget proposal included $2 million in grant funding and $30 million in tax credits to expand apprenticeship programs. And he wants $2 million more in Opportunity Now grants, as well as $30 million in tax credits to support the state program. The program helps develop public-private partnerships focused on workforce development.

Five things to know about how Colorado leaders propose to reshape workforce education

2024-01-16T22:42:57+00:00

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Apprenticeships. Courses that count for both high school and college credit. The opportunity to earn an associate’s degree alongside a high school diploma.

Over the years, Colorado has created these programs and more to help prepare students for college and careers. However, a new report commissioned by state lawmakers shows that the programs aren’t offered consistently at schools across the state, that they haven’t worked with one another, and that not enough families know about them.

The report offers 13 recommendations to streamline a fragmented system. Lawmakers are expected to take up a few of the recommendations during this year’s session, and the report should guide further conversations about connecting students to the workforce.

The report came out of a bill co-sponsored by state Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat, in 2022. The bill created a task force — nicknamed the 1215 task force, after the bill number — to develop recommendations to improve what the state has offered.

“What we found in the 1215 task force was that we actually have five or six different programs that have their own structures and systems, and the institutional barriers are getting in the way of doing better by way of supporting students,” Bacon said.

State Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat, said adopting the task force’s recommendations would mean more accountability for the work that’s happening statewide and would help decision makers understand what is and isn’t working for students.

“This is the moment we pull it all together and have a conversation,” Zenzinger said.

Below are five things to know about the report, including why it was commissioned, what it concluded, and the roadmap it provides for state leaders.

Colorado aims to further the ‘Big Blur’

Colorado has acute worker shortages, and most jobs require some form of college.

The 1215 task force’s report is meant to help the state do better at carrying out what policymakers call the “Big Blur” — that is, making the end of high school and the beginning of college seamless. Colorado is among the first in the country to take up this work.

Under these programs, students get skills in high school that make it easier for them to learn a career field in college. And when they graduate, they could get a job in that field, or what they learned during high school and college would make them more employable. Ideally, employers would help with that training.

A fifth-year of high school, dual enrollment, and apprenticeship programs all fit under the “blur.”

So do programs such as two-year and four-year college partnerships to earn an associate’s and then a bachelor’s degree, and high school efforts that partner with businesses to help students learn skills in specific fields such as cybersecurity or welding.

Bringing everything under one roof

Zenzinger said Colorado has numerous workforce programs, but no comprehensive direction for them.

The 1215 Report calls for fixing that. It recommends that state lawmakers change statutes to bring these programs “under one umbrella to reduce administrative burden” and make the system more accessible for school districts and students.

State House Speaker Julie McCluskie, a Dillon Democrat who also sponsored the 2022 bill, said this is likely to be one of the first changes lawmakers make.

Twelve state-supported programs would come under common administration, including the fifth-year high school programs, dual enrollment for high schools students to enroll in community college, and the state’s teacher recruitment program.

Such a step would also attract employers to participate in programs such as apprenticeship, or help regions of the state focus on specific workforce needs, the report says.

Better communicate with students

To participate in “Big Blur” programs, students need to know and learn about them. But the state doesn’t make that easy.

The 12 programs are spread out among various pages on the Colorado Department of Education’s website. And career and technical education is administered through the Colorado Department of Higher Education, which has a separate website.

The report calls for a new strategy to make Coloradans aware of what’s available and to have that in one place, so that students and residents can find out what works for them. The state would also do a better job communicating the benefits of these programs to high school students and adults.

“The most valuable career navigation offerings are tailored to individuals’ interests and talents, are available in multiple languages, and include fully accessible interactive tools and services,” the report says.

One statewide report and more accountability

What’s working the best for the state?

Although the state tracks data on how the programs serve students, it’s difficult to look at how well these programs collectively are achieving their goals. To that end, the report recommends that the state begin to set certain measurable goals for all of the programs.

The state should also begin to evaluate how these programs have helped Colorado over the long term and develop a public-facing dashboard to report on their performance, the report says. Along with the 12 programs, the dashboard would also likely include information about career education programs administered by the state’s community college system.

The information could lead lawmakers to end or increase funding for some of the programs, Zenzinger said.

What the report says about funding and equity

Each of the programs under study is funded through a different source. Some operate as grant programs with a timeline for the program to end.

The report calls on lawmakers to create a dedicated revenue stream for workforce training programs that would increase each year with inflation and take into account how well different groups of students are able to learn. The report also recommends money to cover costs of expanding these programs.

The weighted funding would help ensure that residents from different backgrounds get access to these opportunities, including students of color and those who have fewer financial resources.

The report says the state should consider incentives to high schools that reduce gaps between certain populations, and support for students who have the toughest time getting workforce opportunities while in school.

2024 Colorado General Assembly: The people’s guide to following education issues

2024-01-13T00:16:33+00:00

Every January, 100 men and women elected to the Colorado General Assembly gather in Denver for 120 days and make decisions that affect students and teachers in the classroom, university administrators trying to balance their budgets, and parents and students having to make tuition payments.

Legislators only have to pass two bills before they adjourn in May: a balanced budget and the school finance act. Both have profound implications for educational opportunity.

They also tackle many more education issues, from student discipline to teacher shortages, from standardized tests to career training.

But it can be hard for ordinary citizens to understand how ideas turn into laws.

To explain the lawmaking process and the opportunities for public input, we’ve prepared this guide to the legislative session.

Here’s how you can get involved:

How a bill becomes a law

Think Schoolhouse Rock’s “I’m Just a Bill.”

Legislators get ideas for bills from a lot of places. A legislator might have a passion for a particular topic. The governor’s office or state department leaders might request a policy change. An interest group or concerned parents might ask a lawmaker to help solve a problem.

Lawmakers work with bill drafters — nonpartisan legislative staff — to write a bill. Once a lawmaker introduces it, leaders in either the House or the Senate assign it to a committee, usually one with relevant expertise.

Most education bills go to the education committee, but a bill on youth mental health might land first in the health committee or one on police in schools might be heard by the judiciary committee.

A few committees — most infamously the State Affairs committees — are known as “kill” committees, where leadership can send controversial bills, especially those from the opposing parties, to ensure they don’t reach the floor.

A bill must win committee approval to proceed to the full House or Senate. Some bills might need to go through more than one committee.

Bills must get approved twice in the first chamber, before heading to the next chamber and doing it all over again. Bills can be amended at any point in the process, and both chambers must sign off on the same final form of a bill.

Then the governor must sign it into law.

Who has a vote on the Colorado education committees

The House Education Committee has 11 members, seven Democrats and four Republicans. Find the committee schedule, documents, and live and archived audio at the committee website. Members are:

Chair Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat
Vice Chair Rep. Matthew Martinez, a Monte Vista Democrat
Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat
Rep. Mary Bradfield, ranking member, a Colorado Springs Republican
Rep. Eliza Hamrick, a Centennial Democrat
Rep. Anthony Hartsook, a Parker Republican
Rep. Meghan Lukens, a Steamboat Springs Democrat
Rep. Dafna Michaelson Jenet, a Commerce City Democrat
Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican and assistant minority leader
Rep. Don Wilson, a Monument Republican
Rep. Mary Young, a Greeley Democrat

The Senate Education Committee has seven members, four Democrats and three Republicans. Find the committee schedule, documents, and live and archived audio at the committee website.

Chair Sen. Janet Buckner, a Denver Democrat
Vice Chair Sen. Janice Marchman, a Loveland Democrat
Sen. Rhonda Fields, an Aurora Democrat
Sen. Chris Kolker, a Centennial Democrat
Sen. Paul Lundeen, ranking member, a Monument Republican
Sen. Mark Baisley, a Woodland Park Republican
Sen. Janice Rich, a Grand Junction Republican

Find the names and contact information of all current Colorado lawmakers here. And find maps of current legislative districts here.

Can you speak on a bill or submit testimony?

If you’re interested in having your perspective heard, there are a few ways to get involved.

You can speak on the bill in person or remotely, or submit a written statement to the committee. The sign-up process is not difficult. Just fill out this online form.

Speakers are generally limited to two to three minutes, so think about how to make your point quickly and clearly.

Want to know the schedule?

The full schedule of the House and Representatives can typically be found on the Colorado General Assembly’s landing page.

The session schedule should be posted daily and gets updated as bills move through the process.

Here’s how to look up Colorado General Assembly bills

You can go to the Colorado General Assembly’s bill search page. There you can search by a bill number, the sponsor, or a topic.

When you click on a bill, you’ll see information such as a summary of what the bill does, the full text of the bill, and other relevant information, such as a fiscal note that explains how much passing the law would cost the state. Often the description of a bill in the fiscal note is easier to understand than the bill language itself.

You can also search through tabs near the bottom of the page that include the bill’s history, when it’s scheduled to be heard again, any amendments, and a summary of the committee votes.

What’s the Joint Budget Committee and why is it so important?

The six-member Joint Budget Committee is the most influential committee in the Colorado General Assembly. Why? Because it writes the budget that guides the state’s priorities. The committee members this year are four Democrats and two Republicans. The chair is state Rep. Shannon Bird, a Westminster Democrat.

Yes, Gov. Jared Polis does submit a budget every November. And those priorities guide the Joint Budget Committee’s work. But the committee ultimately writes the budget that gets submitted to the Colorado General Assembly for approval.

Other lawmakers also have a chance to submit budget amendments that reflect their own spending priorities — but lawmakers need to pass a balanced budget and the Joint Budget Committee will strip out amendments that endanger that goal.

The budget shapes every facet of state government, including K-12 and higher education spending.

Learn more about the budget process here.

Need a refresher on what happened last year? We rounded up the most important education issues of the 2023 session.

Want to know more about how lobbying affects the legislative process? Check out our deep dive on education lobbying from 2022 in collaboration with data reporter Sandra Fish.

Have questions? We’re listening at co.tips@chalkbeat.org.

Watch Chalkbeat Colorado’s 2024 Legislative Preview

Watch Chalkbeat Colorado’s annual discussion of key education topics likely to surface during the upcoming legislative session.

We were joined by:

Sen. Janet Buckner, an Aurora Democrat and chair of the Senate Education Committee
Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and vice chair of Joint Budget Committee
Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat and House Assistant Majority Leader
Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat and chair of the House Education Committee
Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican and House Assistant Minority Leader

A special thanks to our event sponsor, the Colorado Education Association. And thank you to our event partners, Young Invincibles and the Morgridge College of Education at the University of Denver.

These are some of the education issues Colorado lawmakers expect to tackle in 2024

2024-01-09T23:12:13+00:00

Increasing school funding. Expanding career and technical education. Retaining teachers.

Those were among the topics that a panel of five Colorado lawmakers said they plan to prioritize in the 2024 legislative session, which starts tomorrow. The panel was part of Chalkbeat’s annual Legislative Preview event, where lawmakers interested in education talk to us and answer questions about the big issues they plan to tackle.

This year, we were joined by:

Sen. Janet Buckner, an Aurora Democrat and chair of the Senate Education Committee
Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and vice chair of Joint Budget Committee
Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat and House assistant majority leader
Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat and chair of the House Education Committee
Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican and House assistant minority leader

The event was moderated by Chalkbeat reporter Jason Gonzales and Maryori “MJ” Guzman, a student at CU Denver who is active with Young Invincibles, an organization that amplifies the voices of young adults.

A full video of the event is posted below. Here are excerpts of the discussion:

The rollout of universal preschool, free preschool for Colorado 4-year-olds, has been rocky. How can lawmakers strengthen the program for preschool providers and families?

Buckner: Any new program that’s that big and that important, we’re going to have some bumps in the road. But we are continuing to save parents an average of $6,000 per month. And we’re going to keep focusing on supporting families, because we know how important it is to have responsible and amazing child care and education for all of our kids.

I stay in close contact with Dr. Lisa Roy, who is the director of the Department of Early Childhood, and her exact words are — and this is my commitment, too — “We will be self-correcting during this upcoming year to make that program even more viable, more accessible, and better for all students.”

Zenzinger: Just prioritizing early childhood within our budget this year.

Making sure that we are increasing the provider payments … so that we have the right incentives, and that we’re paying the providers the right amount, so that they can continue to deliver universal preschool.

Making sure that we have a resource bank and additional supports for staff, so that they can develop and so that they can address problems when they come up.

Making sure that we’re providing enough funding for our local coordinating organizations — those partners that we’re working with in the community that know what is happening on the ground, so that we can address problems and better support our LCOs.

And then lastly, having a plan for what to do when our federal funds expire. We did stand up a lot of the universal preschool program utilizing one-time funds. So how can we position our budget so that we can continue to support the universal preschool program — and, in fact, grow that program into the future — if those one-time funds are going away?

Families in Colorado pay more to send their children to public colleges than families in many other states. How will lawmakers address college affordability, especially when the governor’s budget doesn’t keep pace with inflation?

Zenzinger: You’re right. Part of the problem is that when you are so underfunded, when your higher education system is at the bottom of the pack compared to all the other states in the United States, that’s going to have an impact. … The only way that you can address it is by having us, the legislature, prioritize higher education and make sure that we properly fund our institutions, so that then they don’t have to pass those costs on to our students.

Pugliese: One of the other conversations is: Is higher education right for everyone? And what has the legislature put in place in order to give students some alternatives? … Coming up with creative solutions with the money that we do have to make it go further for our students is definitely one of the options the legislature has.

Teachers statewide have complained that pay hasn’t kept pace. While lawmakers can’t direct districts to increase pay, what are some solutions or ways to help increase pay statewide, as well as make the profession more attractive?

Pugliese: When I meet with my school districts, they say, “Hey, maybe you can slow down on some legislation and regulations to allow us to work through some of the laws that have already been passed, so that we can alleviate some of the burdens on our teachers.”

McLachlan: I taught high school for 20 years, so I know. … It’s important that we don’t ever forget that our teachers are really the backbone of all of childhood for kids. And if we do that right, then we are producing productive adults. And some of it is pay, and we’re trying really hard to increase the pay. If we could legislate respect and kindness, we would do that.

What role, if any, should state lawmakers play in so-called culture wars issues? For instance, should state lawmakers get involved in book bans in school libraries?

Pugliese: I’m pretty sure you probably started with me because I might have written a letter about this. … I think that there’s a lot of angst. We’ve seen this in Colorado Springs in our communities between parents and what is available to our kids in school libraries.

My letter was more directed at making sure that parents are communicating with our school board members that we have appropriate books in our schools and maybe getting an outside perspective, which in my letter was the district attorney, to maybe just put parents’ minds at ease that the books that their kids have access to are the right books and are appropriate.

McLachlan: I’m not a fan of having other parents tell my children what they can read and what they can’t read. … I taught freshman honors English. … One of my assignments was that everybody had to find a banned book and read the book and then write a report on why they thought it was banned. … I had parents who were just furious with me for having kids read books. And I said, “Well, you read the book. Find one with your child.” After they did that, not one parent ever came back and said, “We could not find a book that my child could read.”

I’m just not sure that we as a legislature need to start saying yes or no.

Bacon: A lot of the notions behind book banning, I just struggle with as a concept in an internet-based society. Book banning comes from an antiquated perception of how people get access to knowledge, and it is a tool that is being repeated from a century ago.

Ultimately, when it comes to parents and having input in what it is that their kids are reading, it doesn’t always go one way. My mom had to fight so that we could read “Roots” on a seventh-grade accelerating reading list, because the only stories we had were from Mark Twain. That was parental choice as well.

I do think what the legislature and local school districts have an interest in is saying: What should all Colorado students be prepared for by the time that they’re 18? And I do think as legislators we need to recognize we are in not only a multicultural country but world. And so it’s important for us to be able to support our young people in being able to pursue that knowledge.

Watch the full video from Chalkbeat’s Legislative Preview event below.

Melanie Asmar is the bureau chief for Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Presos de Colorado podrían ser liberados temprano si asisten a la universidad

2023-02-23T12:00:00+00:00

Read in English.

Chalkbeat Colorado es un noticiero local sin fines de lucro que informa sobre las escuelas públicas en Denver y otros distritos. Suscríbete a nuestro boletín gratis por email en español para recibir lo último en noticias sobre educación.

Las personas encarceladas por delitos no violentos en Colorado podrían obtener una reducción de su sentencia si obtienen un grado o diploma universitario.

Los que apoyan el Proyecto de Ley 1037, que el Comité Judicial de la Cámara aprobó por 11 -2 votos, dicen que ayudará a los presos de Colorado a encontrar nuevas oportunidades, reducirá la probabilidad de que reincidan después de ser liberados, y también le ahorrará dinero al estado.

El proyecto de ley les ofrecería incentivos a los presos del estado para que aprovechen subvenciones (grants) federales que tendrán disponibles a partir de este próximo verano. El gobierno federal también ha ampliado el número de universidades que pueden educar a estudiantes encarcelados, lo que abre la puerta a más oportunidades.

El Representante estatal Matthew Martínez, demócrata de Monte Vista que auspicia el proyecto de ley, le dijo al Comité Judicial que la ayuda financiera elimina la mayor barrera a la que se enfrentan los estudiantes encarcelados que quieren ir a la universidad.

“Estamos consiguiendo que vuelvan a la normalidad y realmente marcando una diferencia en sus vidas”, afirma Martínez, que anteriormente dirigió el programa de educación penitenciaria de la Adams State University. La senadora estatal Julie Gonzales, demócrata de Denver, también apoya el proyecto de ley.

Bikram Mishra, que testificó ante el comité, dijo que durante sus 10 años en un centro penitenciario de Colorado su familia le ayudó a pagar sus estudios universitarios. Eso le cambió la vida, dijo, y quiere que otras personas en prisión tengan acceso a la universidad.

“Queremos ayudar a las personas a mejorar y estamos tratando de asegurar que estén listas para la sociedad,” dijo Mishra.

Si se convierte en ley, Colorado les permitiría a los estudiantes condenados por delitos no violentos reducir seis meses de su sentencia a cárcel si obtienen un diploma o certificado universitario. Esta ley también les permitiría descontar un año de su sentencia si se gradúan con un título de dos años (asociado), cuatro años (BS/BA) o maestría.

Algunos legisladores republicanos y demócratas, sin embargo, abogaron durante la audiencia por aumentar la cantidad de tiempo que los estudiantes encarcelados obtendrán a fin de ser liberados temprano. A algunos les preocupa que un año menos de sentencia no fuera suficiente para atraer a los estudiantes a los programas universitarios y que, en su lugar, buscaran programas de corta duración.

El proyecto de ley dividiría el dinero que el estado ahorraría liberando a los estudiantes encarcelados temprano entre las instituciones de enseñanza superior y el Departamento Correccional de Colorado.

Los representantes republicanos Matt Soper de Delta y Stephanie Luck de Penrose votaron en contra del proyecto de ley, en parte porque quieren que el Departamento de Correcciones de Colorado se quede con mayor parte de los ahorros.

Pero todos los miembros del comité, incluso los que querían ver cambios, dijeron que apoyan la idea de motivar a las personas encarceladas a obtener una educación. Ellos dijeron que el testimonio de los presos que se convirtieron en graduados de universidad les hizo apoyar el proyecto de ley.

Martínez dijo que los datos muestran que los graduados tienen menos probabilidades de reincidir, especialmente si obtienen un diploma de cuatro años o una maestría. Eso también significa menos costos para la sociedad, dijo. En 2018, Colorado tuvo una de las peores tasas de reincidencia del país — La mitad de todas las las personas previamente encarceladas regresaron a la cárcel en los primeros de tres años. Los estudios nacionales, sin embargo, muestran que las personas encarceladas reinciden menos si tienen acceso a una educación.

Christie Donner, directora ejecutiva de la Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition, dijo que permitir que las personas encarceladas puedan aprender mientras están en la cárcel va más allá de los ahorros para el estado. El proyecto de ley representa el inicio de más conversaciones para asegurar que las personas encarceladas vean un futuro para sí mismas, dijo ella.

“La educación te ayuda a verte a ti mismo de otra manera”, dijo Donner, “Cambias tus ambiciones, tus esperanzas, tus sueños, y todas esas cosas buenas. Es realmente profundo. Y es mucho mejor que trabajar haciendo placas de matrícula para autos o barrer el suelo o trabajar en la cocina. La gente puede encontrar una vida totalmente nueva”.

Jason Gonzales es reportero que cubre temas de educación superior y la legislatura de Colorado. Chalkbeat Colorado colabora con Open Campus para cubrir temas de enseñanza superior. Para comunicarte con Jason, envíale un mensaje a jgonzales@chalkbeat.org.

Las escuelas de Colorado recibieron más dinero para los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés. ¿En qué se está usando?

2022-03-03T18:13:11+00:00

Personal nuevo, capacitación adicional para los maestros, y poco de dinero directamente para las escuelas.

Estas son algunas de las cosas que algunos distritos de Colorado han planificado con los fondos estatales nuevos para atender mejor a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

Pero otros distritos que también recibieron ese dinero, y que tienen decenas de miles de estudiantes de inglés, no están planificando agregar ningún servicio nuevo.

El estado no está monitoreando cómo los distritos usan los fondos, y tampoco obligándolos a usar el dinero para su propósito.

Cuando los legisladores de Colorado decidieron el año pasado darles más dinero a los distritos para atender mejoer las necesidades de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés, la idea era que esos estudiantes requieren servicios adicionales para poder acceder el mismo nivel de educación que sus compañeros. Los legisladores reconocieron que la falta de acceso a Internet y las barreras de idioma habían hecho más difícil que algunos estudiantes participaran en el aprendizaje remoto, y querían que los distritos tuvieran los recursos necesarios para ayudar a esos estudiantes en particular.

Según las cifras estatales, el estado proporcionó aproximadamente $16,800 millones en fondos adicionales para los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés. A pesar de las buenas intenciones, los defensores dicen que los fondos no son suficientes para que los distritos atiendan adecuadamente a los estudiantes de inglés, y a algunos les preocupa que el estado no creó maneras para asegurar que las escuelas y los distritos estén usando el dinero para los servicios que los estudiantes requieren.

Es bueno hacer más, ¿pero entonces cómo se verá cuando lo reciban? Yo le pregunté a Cyntha Trinidad-Sheahan, persidente del grupo de defensa sin fines de lucro Colorado Association for Bilingual Education. ¿Cómo ustedes van a educar a los distritos, darles apoyo y luego responsabilizarlos? Ese es el detalle que se le olvida al estado.

Muchos distritos no están agregando servicios

De una docena de distritos que contestaron las preguntas de Chalkeat acerca del uso de los fondos adicionales, solo cinco describieron cambios en sus servicios.

La mayoría de los distritos dijo que como siempre han gastado más dinero en servicios para los estudiantes de inglés del que el estado les ha provisto, el dinero adicional simplemente está ayudando a cubrir lo que el distrito ya gastó en el pasado. En la mayoría de los casos, el aumento en fondos todavía no cubre servicios para los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés, dijeron los funcionarios.

Entre esos distritos están el Distrito Escolar de Denver y el Distrito Escolar Jeffco, el más grande del estado. Ambos indicaron que no han agregado servicios con los fondos nuevos.

El distrito de Denver, que atiende la mayoría de los estudiantes de inglés (aunque no cuenta con la proporción más alta), recibió este año más de $9 millones específicamente para el aproximadamente 30% de sus estudiantes identificados como estudiantes de inglés, a diferencia de los más o menos $5.9 millones que recibió en años previos según las cifras del estado. Sin embargo, los funcionarios del distrito dijeron que ellos asignan aproximadamente $30 millones cada año a servicios para los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

Los funcionarios dijeron en una declaración escrita que el dinero que el distrito asigna de sus fondos generales para apoyar a los estudiantes multilingües excede por mucho la asignación de fondos recibida por el estado, aun tomando en cuenta los fondos adicionales provistos este año escolar.

Trinidad-Sheahan dijo que parte del problema es que los presupuestos de los departamentos que atienden estudiantes se han mantenido estancados por años, aun cuando los distritos estaban viendo cambios demográficos (los cuales que implican diferentes necesidades), o a pesar de tener fondos adicionales disponibles.

Muchos de esos presupuestos no han aumentado; se han mantenido iguales por años, dijo ella. Cuando ese dinero entró, nunca se vio como fondos adicionales.

Añadiendo programas nuevos

Los distritos que han usado los fondos estatales adicionales de este año para aumentar los servicios también gastan más en los estudiantes de inglés que lo que el estado les da para esos servicios. De todos modos, estos distritos decidieron usar los fondos estatales para tener más servicios.

El distrito escolar en Eagle, donde aproximadamente un 30% de los estudiantes están aprendiendo inglés, recibió casi el doble en fondos estatales de lo que había recibido previamente para esos estudiantes. De todos modos, los $864,000 que recibe del estado cubren menos de un 29% de sus gastos anuales de más de $3 millones en los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

Este año escolar, el distrito agregó personal para expandir el programa bilingüe del distrito en las escuelas intermedias y también pagó por capacitación para los líderes del programa. Las escuelas de Eagle han estado expandiendo su programa bilingüe desde el año 2012-13, y este año lo está ofreciendo en cinco de las ocho escuelas primarias y todas las cuatro escuelas intermedias.

Los distritos, tanto los nuestros como otros, hacemos lo que se necesita cuando vemos las necesidades, dijo Melisa Rewold-Thuon, asistente al superintendente del distrito. Por supuesto que nunca hay suficiente.

El programa bilingüe atiende a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés como segundo idioma, y también a estudiantes de hogares que hablan inglés y desean que sus hijos sean bilingües.

Nosotros pensamos que darles a ambas poblaciones la oportunidad de aprender otro idioma y cultura está uniendo a nuestros estudiantes, dijo Rewold-Thuon.

Aunque no está necesariamente cubierto por los fondos nuevos, el distrito también contrató maestros bilingües del exterior porque no puede encontrar suficiente personal calificado para sus programas bilingües. Previamente el distrito contrataba más o menos unos cinco maestros del exterior anualmente, pero este año está contratando 30.

Las escuelas secundarias de Eagle agregaron maestros de desarrollo del idioma inglés. Más o menos desde el año pasado se ha visto una nueva ola de inmigrantes adolescentes, que incluye menores no acompañados, y estos estudiantes llegan con brechas en su educación, en parte por las interrupciones de la pandemia.

Un día, los funcionarios de Eagle quieren desarrollar un programa para los estudiantes inmigrantes nuevos, pero por ahora, sin tener ese programa, los maestros de desarrollo del idioma inglés de Eagle están asumiendo el rol de trabajadores sociales para guiar a los estudiantes inmigrantes nuevos mientras se ajustan a su nueva comunidad y encuentran recursos para navegarla.

Nuestro distrito está muy, muy dedicado a satisfacer las necesidades de todos nuestros estudiantes, dijo Rewold-Thuon. Cuando consideramos la equidad, algunos estudiantes necesitan apoyo adicional hasta para poder lograr ese nivel básico de educación. Por eso es que esos fondos adicionales son tan importantes para nosotros.

Flexibilidad para las escuelas

Anita Pizzo, maestra de desarrollo del idioma inglés en secundaria en Aurora, dijo que en las últimas dos semanas su escuela ha recibido 15 estudiantes que acaban de llegar al país. Son procedentes de Congo, Afganistán, Latinoamérica y otros lugares.

Los maestros en Eagle están notando que, por las interrupciones de la pandemia, cada vez más de esos estudiantes nuevos en Aurora llegan sin haber asistido nunca a la escuela secundaria. Pizzo dijo que esos estudiantes a menudo han aprendido a depender de Google Translate, y ahora es necesario enseñarles a dejar de usarlo y aprender inglés.

Todos los maestros necesitan más capacitación para atender a esos estudiantes, dijo Pizzo.

Al igual que muchos otros distritos, Aurora le asigna a cada escuela un presupuesto basado en la cantidad de estudiantes matriculados. Ahora mismo, la fórmula de Aurora para asignar fondos a las escuelas no toma en cuenta si los estudiantes están aprendiendo inglés, pero sí considera otros factores de riesgo. El próximo año escolar cada escuela recibirá $195 adicionales por cada estudiante de inglés, y los principales tendrán flexibilidad para usar ese dinero como lo consideren necesario.

Para algunas escuelas, el aumento por los estudiantes de inglés no será mucho, pero para otras escuelas, podría ser suficiente para contratar a una persona adicional, por ejemplo.

Aurora, uno de los distritos con la mayor proporción de estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés, recibía $3.6 millones del estado y ahora está recibiendo $6.3 millones. El Jefe de Finanzas (CFO) Brett Johnson dijo que el distrito ya había estado gastando más de $6.1 millones cada año para que todas las escuelas contaran con maestros líderes como Pizzo. Los fondos nuevos del estado, hasta ahora, han ayudado a compensar por lo que el distrito ya estaba pagando.

El próximo año escolar, el distrito dividirá $1.2 millones para que las escuelas los usen a su discreción.

Algunos maestros y defensores dicen que les gustaría que haya más transparencia en cómo sus escuelas y distritos están usando los fondos del estado y de otras fuentes destinados a apoyar a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

Pizzo dice que ella tiene otras ideas para apoyar las necesidades de los estudiantes, como por ejemplo cambios en el currículo o contratar paraprofesionales que apoyen a los estudiantes mientras están en clases que se imparten completamente en inglés. Otros maestros también dicen que les gustaría ver más capacitación, tutorías o hasta más especialistas que puedan ayudar a los maestros a ajustar sus lecciones para ayudar a los estudiantes de inglés en sus salones.

Trinidad-Sheahan dijo que una idea para responsabilizar a los distritos sería pedirles que expliquen cómo los fondos que están gastando van a apoyar directamente a los estudiantes en cada nivel de dominio del idioma inglés. Ella dijo que los estudiantes más nuevos son los que necesitan más apoyo, como los que acaban de llegar, o los que están en los niveles más bajos de dominio del inglés.

Pero en ocasiones, dijo, ella ha visto que los distritos le dan prioridad a gastar en programas o materiales que apoyarán a un número mayor de estudiantes, como por ejemplo en un currículo o una clase de inglés que, aunque quizás incluya un par de estudiantes cuyo nivel de bilingüismo es más avanzado, los estudiantes más nuevos no pueden ni siquiera matricularse en esa clase hasta que tengan más dominio del inglés.

¿Los distritos pueden realmente probar que están beneficiando a todos los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés de todos los niveles? Sería difícil probarlo, dijo Trinidad-Sheahan. Estos fondos deberían ser adicionales. Los estudiantes deberían recibir más.

Yesenia Robles es reportera para Chalkbeat Colorado y cubre asuntos relacionados con los distritos escolares K-12 y la educación multilingüe. Para comunicarte con Yesenia, envíale un mensaje a yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Pruebas de plomo en agua son requisito ahora para escuelas y centros de cuidado

2022-08-23T21:05:55+00:00

Read in English.

Una ley estatal nueva requerirá que aproximadamente 5,800 escuelas primarias y centros para cuidado de niños en Colorado hagan pruebas de plomo en el agua e instalen filtros, o que hagan las reparaciones correspondientes si encuentran niveles altos de plomo.

Las escuelas y los centros para cuidado de niños tendrán hasta el 31 de mayo para hacerle pruebas al agua, y tendrán que hacer reparaciones si el nivel de plomo es más de 5 partes por mil millones. Ese límite es el mismo límite establecido por el gobierno federal para el agua embotellada, pero menos que el usado previamente por la mayoría de los distritos escolares de Colorado.

Esta ley, que incluye unos $21 millones para pruebas y reparaciones, representa la primera vez que Colorado ha establecido regulaciones para los niveles de plomo en el agua potable de las escuelas y los centros para cuidado de niños. Fue aprobada a la misma vez que un número creciente de estados han aprobado leyes para resolver el problema de exposición a plomo en los niños después de la crisis de agua potable que ocurrió en el 2014 en Flint, Michigan.

Lo que debes saber acerca de la ley de plomo en Colorado

• Las escuelas primarias y los centros de cuidado de niños de Colorado tendrán que hacerle pruebas de plomo a todas las fuentes de agua potable antes del 31 de mayo de 2023.

• Si el nivel de plomo supera 5 partes por mil millones — un límite nuevo y más estricto — las escuelas y los proveedores de cuidado de niños tendrán que reparar la plomería o instalar filtros.

• Las escuelas y los centros de cuidado de niños tendrán que notificarles los resultados de las pruebas a los padres, y decir qué van a hacer para corregir los problemas.

• La ley incluye unos $21 millones para pagar por pruebas y reparaciones en las escuelas y los centros de cuidado de niños. Las escuelas Intermedias serán elegibles para obtener fondos si queda algún restante.

• La exposición al plomo puede causar problemas de habla, atención y conducta en los niños, y el agua potable es solo una de las fuentes de exposición a plomo posibles.

• Otras fuentes son las pinturas que tienen plomo, el polvo de pinturas que tienen plomo, y artículos importados como ollas de cocina, especias, dulces o joyería.

El plomo es una neurotoxina dañina que puede causar discapacidades de aprendizaje y problemas de comportamiento, y hasta un nivel bajo de exposición puede afectar el coeficiente de inteligencia (IQ) de un niño. Los niveles de plomo en los niños de Estados Unidos han bajado drásticamente desde la década de 1970, pero hay estudios que han demostrado que en muchos niños todavía se puede detectar la presencia de plomo.

Un estudio de 2021 publicado en la revista médica JAMA Pediatrics encontró que un 72% de los niños menores de 6 años en Colorado que pasaron por pruebas tenían niveles detectables de plomo en la sangre — pero a muchos niños del estado nunca se les hacen pruebas.

Generalmente, los legisladores, funcionarios escolares y defensores de Colorado alabaron la ley nueva por tomar medidas para asegurar que los estudiantes tengan agua potable segura en la escuela o el centro de cuidado, pero para algunas personas la ley no llegó tan lejos como ellas esperaban.

Jaquikeyah Fields, directora de comunicaciones en Colorado People’s Alliance (un grupo de justicia racial que ayudó a darle forma al proyecto de ley), describió la ley como un gran logro que puede servir como puerta a otras leyes futuras sobre el mismo tema.

“Pienso que el objetivo era lograr más”, dijo ella, pero de todos modos “es bastante buena”.

Bob Lawson, director ejecutivo de manejo de instalaciones y construcción en el Distrito Escolar Pueblo 60 (de 15,000 estudiantes), dijo que está complacido porque la ley establece un límite claro de plomo para agua en las escuelas.

“Al menos han hecho algo para establecer la norma que debemos seguir”, dijo él. “Eso es grande porque Colorado no tenía nada”.

Elin Betanzo, especialista en agua que ayudó a descubrir la crisis en Flint, dijo que es bueno tener legislación para asegurar que las escuelas tengan agua potable segura, pero que instalar filtros inmediatamente es mejor estrategia que hacerle pruebas a las fuentes de agua para luego corregir cualquier problema. Ella dijo que es de amplio conocimiento que el agua potable de las escuelas a menudo contiene niveles de plomo detectables.

Eso se debe en parte a que las plomerías vendidas como “libres de plomo” todavía tienen permitido contener una pequeña cantidad de plomo.

“El agua es un solvente universal. Cuando tiene contacto con plomo, ese plomo entra al agua”, dijo Betanzo, fundadora de la empresa consultora Safe Water Engineering, de Detroit.

“Quizás no sea hoy ni mañana... pero si hay plomo presente, tarde o temprano estará en el agua”.

Leyes en evolución

La nueva ley sobre plomo de Colorado cambió bastante desde que fue introducida, en parte por la resistencia de algunos lideres de escuelas y educación temprana. La versión final tiene menos requisitos, tanto en cantidad como en rigurosidad, que las primeras versiones.

El proyecto de ley original hubiese requerido que las escuelas y los programas de cuidado de niños instalaran filto en todas las fuentes de agua potable, instalaran una estación para llenar botellas de agua filtrada por cada 100 estudiantes, y condujeran pruebas de plomo anuales en el agua potable. Todas las fuentes de agua con un nivel de plomo más alto de 1 parte por mil millones tendrían que ser corregidas, y se hubiesen requerido letreros nuevos y otras notificaciones.

El límite de 1 parte por cada mil millones es el recomendado por la Academia Americana de Pediatria para las fuentes de agua, pero pocos estados lo han adoptado. En vez de eso, la mayoría que ha aprobado leyes recientes ha establecido el límite en 5 o 10 partes por mil millones. El límite de Maine es 4 partes por cada mil millones.

Los grupos que representan a proveedores de cuidado de niños opusieron el proyecto de ley, diciendo que las reglas propuestas serían onerosas y demasiado costosas.

Dawn Alexander, directora ejecutiva de Early Childhood Education Association of Colorado, dijo que sería injusto imponerle estándares estrictos a los establecimientos de cuidado de niños, porque muchos casos de envenenamiento con plomo se originan en los hogares de los niños, que no están sujetos a esas reglas. Durante su trabajo anterior en el departamento de salud del condado de Wed, ella encontró que los investigadores usualmente descubrían que los altos niveles de plomo eran causados por pintura de plomo en la residencia de los niños.

“Simplemente no tiene sentido tener estas… imposiciones en negocios que ya están teniendo dificultades, ya que realmente no son la fuente que está generando esos problemas extremos de salud en los niños de nuestro estado”.

Alexander dijo que está complacida con la versión final de la ley: “Realmente es una ley mucho más razonable”.

Los proveedores de cuidado de niños en el hogar con licencia podrán optar por no cumplir los requisitos nuevos.

Mark Anderson, pediatra en Denver Health, piensa que la ley es buena, especialmente cuando se trata de los fondos para ayudar a las escuelas y a los centros de cuidado a cubrir el costo de las pruebas y las reparaciones.

“Si el costo ya no es una inquietud, no veo ninguna razón para no eliminar el plomo del agua”, dijo.

Por otro lado, Anderson señaló que el agua no es la fuente principal del alto nivel de plomo en los niños de Colorado.

“Uno tendría que tomar muchísima agua para exponerse si la concentración es 15 [partes por mil millones] o menos”, él dijo.

Anderson, que es parte de una red regional de expertos en salud ambiental de los niños, dijo que en su mayoría, los niveles altos de plomo en niños surgen de exposición a pintura con plomo, polvo de pinturas con plomo, o una categoría que el llama “productos importados” y que incluye ollas y artículos para cocinar, especias o dulces de otros países.

Los investigadores han encontrado que los niños que viven en códigos postales con poblaciones predominantemente negras o hispanas tienen más probabilidad de tener un nivel de plomo alto que los niños que viven en códigos postales cuyos residentes son predominantemente de raza blanca.

Esfuerzos en las escuelas después del caso de Flint

Después de la crisis de agua en Flint, algunos distritos escolares de Colorado empezaron voluntariamente a hacerle pruebas al agua y corregir cuando los niveles de plomo alcanzaban 15 o más partes por mil millones — el nivel usado en ese momento por la Agencia de Protección Ambiental para que las compañías de agua tomaran acción.

A partir de 2017, algunos distritos de Colorado aprovecharon un programa estatal voluntario de grants que paga por pruebas de plomo en las escuelas, pero el programa no cubría los costos de reparación y no fue usado ampliamente.

Los funcionarios del distrito escolar de Denver, el más grande de Colorado, empezaron a usar el estándar de 15 partes por mil millones, y luego cambiaron a un límite de 10 partes por mil millones en 2019. Durante los últimos seis años, el distrito reemplazó 264 sistemas de plomería, e instaló 83 filtros en fuentes de agua.

Sin embargo, la ley nueva requerirá trabajo adicional porque hubo pruebas anteriores que encontraron unas 150 fuentes de agua con niveles por encima del límite nuevo, pero por debajo del anterior.

Joni Rix, gerente del programa ambiental del distrito, dijo que aunque algunas de esas fuentes están en escuelas intermedias y secundarias (que no son el enfoque de la ley nueva), el distrito les va a instalar filtros.

Esas reparaciones, dijo ella, costarán “bastante dinero” — aproximadamente $1,000 cada una para instalarles un filtro inicialmente, y luego $70 en mantenimiento anual.

La Representante del Estado Emily Sirota, demócrata de Denver y una de las auspiciadoras de la legislación, dijo que quienes prepararon la ley usaron estimados altos al momento de asignar los fondos de recuperación de COVID a la ley nueva. Los funcionarios de salud del estado dijeron que esperan cubrir la mayor parte posible de los costos de pruebas y remediación, pero que los detalles están por verse.

En el distrito Pueblo 60, cinco escuelas obtendrán reparaciones este mes para cumplir con el límite nuevo de 5 partes por mil millones. Aunque los funcionarios del distrito les hicieron pruebas a todas las fuentes de agua en el 2017 y 2018, usaron el límite de 10 partes por mil millones para determinar dónde se harían reparaciones.

Los funcionarios en el distrito Mesa County Valley, en el oeste de Colorado, hicieron reparaciones en cinco de las 42 escuelas después de participar en el programa estatal voluntario de grants hace varios años. Aparte de los edificios en los que se instalaron plomerías nuevas o estaciones para llenar botellas, ninguna escuela tuvo un nivel de plomo más alto del límite nuevo de 5 partes por mil millones.

Desde entonces, el distrito ha construido dos escuelas nuevas pero no ha recibido instrucciones de los funcionarios de salud del estado en cuanto a si se requiere hacer pruebas de plomo.

“Si ellos quieren que hagamos pruebas en esos lugares nosotros con mucho gusto lo haremos, pero no veo por qué nosotros debamos hacerlo”, dijo Eddie Mort, coordinador de mantenimiento del distrito.

Una portavoz del Departamento de Salud Pública y Ambiente de Colorado, que supervisa la implementación de la ley nueva, dijo que no se ha decidido todavía si las escuelas o centros de cuidado de niños que hicieron pruebas de agua en los años recientes tendrán que hacer una serie nueva de pruebas.

“La decisión final podría ser que no habrá una solución ‘unitalla’ para todas las escuelas del estado que hicieron pruebas previamente”, dijo en un email.

Ann Schimke es reportera senior en Chalkbeat y cubre temas de niñez temprana y alfabetización temprana. Para comunicarte con Ann, envíale un mensaje a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Almuerzo escolar gratuito: Entérate de qué distritos escolares de Colorado tienen planes para ofrecerlo

2023-03-02T22:03:34+00:00

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La mayoría de los distritos escolares de Colorado, entre ellos los 10 más grandes del estado, planifican ofrecerles comidas gratuitas a todos los estudiantes el próximo año a través de un nuevo programa estatal aprobado por los votantes el pasado noviembre.

Tres distritos grandes que estaban indecisos a principios de diciembre — Denver, Douglas County y Academy 20 — le informaron a Chalkbeat que participarán en el programa, llamado Healthy School Meals For All.

El programa nuevo, financiado con un impuesto para las personas con ingresos altos, hará que Colorado sea uno de los pocos estados que les ofrecerán comidas escolares gratuitas a todos los estudiantes, una medida que, según sus defensores, alimentará a más niños hambrientos y eliminará el estigma actual asociado con recibir comidas escolares gratuitas. California y Maine pusieron en marcha programas universales de comida permanentes este año escolar, y algunos otros estados, como Nevada, Vermont y Massachusetts, están ofreciendo este tipo de programa al menos hasta el final del año escolar actual.

La creciente demanda de comidas gratuitas en las escuelas empezó después de dos años escolares en los que el gobierno federal eliminó temporalmente los requisitos de ingresos para recibir comidas a precio reducido, lo cual permitió que las escuelas de todo el país ofrecieran desayunos y almuerzos gratuitos a todos los estudiantes durante gran parte de la pandemia. Los requisitos volvieron a entrar en vigor el pasado verano.

Aunque el programa de comidas universales de Colorado es voluntario para los distritos escolares, la mayoría ha informado que optará por participar. Una encuesta realizada por Chalkbeat en dos docenas de distritos, en su mayoría grandes y medianos, reveló que 21 tienen planes de participar, y uno de ellos (Colorado Springs 11) tiene planes de ofrecer comidas escolares gratuitas el próximo año a través de un mecanismo de financiamiento diferente. Dos distritos, Mesa County Valley 51, basado en Grand Junction, y el Distrito 49, en Peyton, todavía no han decidido.

Otra encuesta reciente de los 178 distritos escolares del estado hecha por la Colorado School Nutrition Association reveló que unos 130 de los 140 distritos que contestaron la encuesta tienen planes de ofrecer comidas gratuitas el año que viene.

“De todos ellos, unos 10 han dicho que no están seguros”, dijo Erika Edwards, presidente de política pública y legislativa de la asociación. “Creo que nos estamos acercando bastante a que la gran mayoría diga que sí”.

En noviembre, los electores de Colorado aprobaron fácilmente la Propuesta FF, una nueva medida tributaria que recaudará más de $100 millones al año para pagar por comidas escolares gratuitas reduciendo las deducciones de impuestos disponibles para los hogares que ganan $300,000 dólares o más.

Para participar en el programa universal de comidas gratuitas, los distritos escolares de Colorado tendrán que maximizar la cantidad de dólares federales para comidas que reciben solicitando un programa llamado Community Eligibility Provision. Este programa nacional ayuda a cubrir el costo de las comidas gratuitas universales en las escuelas que tienen una gran proporción de estudiantes cuyas familias reciben ciertos beneficios del gobierno, como por ejemplo asistencia alimentaria o Asistencia Temporal a Familias Necesitadas (TANF). Las familias de esas escuelas no tienen que llenar solicitudes para obtener comidas gratuitas o a precio reducido.

Pero incluso las escuelas de Colorado que no califiquen para el programa Community Eligibility Provision podrán ofrecerles comidas gratuitas a todos los estudiantes aprovechando los fondos de la Propuesta FF. Las familias en esas escuelas seguirán teniendo que llenar solicitudes para recibir comidas con subsidio.

Edwards dijo que los distritos escolares que no han decidido si van a ofrecer comidas gratis el próximo año tienden a estar en una de dos categorías. Los distritos rurales más pequeños tienen preguntas sobre la logística del programa Community Eligibility, mientras que los distritos metropolitanos más grandes tienen preguntas sobre cómo Colorado planifica darles fondos adicionales a las escuelas con grandes poblaciones de estudiantes de hogares de pocos ingresos, dijo.

Conocido como financiamiento de riesgo (at-risk funding), el dinero se ha distribuido según el número de estudiantes que llenan formularios para recibir comidas con subsidio federal. Colorado está avanzando hacia otras medidas, pero hasta que se complete el cambio, a los distritos les preocupa perder dinero si menos familias llenan los formularios cuando el almuerzo sea gratuito para todos los estudiantes.

Edwards dijo que la asociación de nutrición apoya el programa nuevo y planifica ofrecer capacitación y otras opciones para ayudar a los distritos que quieran participar.

“Creo que es la culminación de todo lo que un profesional de alimentación escolar desea que ocurra”, dijo.

Ann Schimke es reportera senior de Chalkbeat y cubre temas relacionados con la niñez y la alfabetización tempranas. Para comunicarte con Ann, envíale un mensaje a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Gobernador Jared Polis firma proyecto de ley para reducir los exámenes estandarizados. Ahora el gobierno federal tiene que dar su opinión.

2021-03-24T21:09:46+00:00

Es posible que los estudiantes de Colorado tomen mucho menos exámenes estandarizados este año — esto es, si los funcionarios de educación federales firman un acuerdo aprobado el martes en la Asamblea General de Colorado y firmado por el Gob. Jared Polis.

En vez de administrar el grupo completo de exámenes estandarizados que los estudiantes usualmente toman, los funcionarios de educación de Colorado buscarán un permiso para no tener que cumplir los requisitos federales. Si lo logran, este año no habrá exámenes de ciencia ni de estudios sociales, y los estudiantes tomarán un examen de matemáticas o de lectura/escritura, pero no ambos. Los exámenes no se usarán para evaluar el desempeño de los maestros ni para calificar a las escuelas.

Este proyecto de ley representa un acuerdo entre los sindicatos de maestros y distritos escolares, quienes querían cancelar los exámenes por completo, y los grupos de defensores de la educación, que querían que todos los estudiantes tomaran los exámenes de matemáticas y de lectura/escritura.

Los expertos nacionales en el tema de los exámenes dijeron que no saben de ningún otro estado que vaya a seguir la estrategia de Colorado. Y aunque algunos dijeron que este acuerdo proporcionaría suficiente información sobre el desempeño escolar — y quizás del aprendizaje individual de los estudiantes — otros dudan que el gobierno federal lo apruebe.

“El estado de Massachusetts le dará a cada estudiante la mitad de cada uno de los exámenes. Nueva York también está considerando eliminar una parte. Pero que yo sepa, Colorado es el único que está tratando de eliminar el examen completamente en ciertos grados/materias,” escribió en un email Marianne Perie, consultora de exámenes que ha trabajado con varios estados. “Me sorprendería que los federales lo permitan.”

Conseguir ese permiso federal es crítico para Colorado. En una carta enviada en febrero, los más altos funcionarios de educación federales dijeron que los estados deberán administrar los exámenes estandarizados pero ofrecieron flexibilidad para acortar el tamaño de los exámenes o expandir el periodo para tomarlos. Las directrices no mencionaron nada parecido al plan de Colorado.

El proyecto de ley pasó por la Asamblea General en menos de dos semanas. Los legisladores se movieron rápidamente porque la fecha límite para solicitar un permiso está muy cerca, dijo el viernes la Senadora Rachel Zenzinger, auspiciadora del proyecto y presidenta del Comité de Educación del Senado, y demócrata de Arvada.

Los legisladores demócratas originalmente tenían esperanzas de cancelar los exámenes del todo, pero llegaron a un acuerdo cuando quedó claro que tanto la administración de Biden como la de Polis estaban en oposición a ese esfuerzo.

Zenzinger aplaudió a la coalición que respaldó el proyecto de ley, y que incluyó a legisladores republicanos.

“Aparte de qué tan peligroso o impráctico sea administrar este examen, necesitamos de cierta manera limitada incluirlo (el examen) como parte de nuestra solicitud del permiso,” Zenzinger dijo.

Los estudiantes de Colorado típicamente toman exámenes estandarizados de matemáticas y de lectura/escritura en los grados tercero hasta octavo, y también un examen de ciencias o de estudios sociales, dependiendo de su grado. En Colorado, estos exámenes se llaman Colorado Measures of Academic Success, o CMAS.

Si el gobierno federal aprueba el plan de Colorado, los estudiantes en los grados tercero, quinto y séptimo tomarán el examen de lectura/escritura, y los de cuarto, sexto y octavo tomarán el de matemáticas. Los padres tendrían la opción de firmar para que sus hijos no los tomen. Y también podrían optar por que sus hijos tomen ambos.

El Senador Paul Lundeen, republicano de Monument, apoyó firmemente el proyecto de ley durante la sesión del senado el viernes. El acuerdo fue difícil para todos, dijo él, pero también retiene los exámenes para poder medir el aprendizaje de los estudiantes.

“Este proyecto de ley representa lo mejor de ambos mundos,” dijo Lundeen.

Él les pidió a los legisladores que animaran a los padres a pedir que sus hijos tomen ambos exámenes.

“Un niño tiene años de educación académica por venir, y es importante entender dónde están,” dijo él.

Un pequeño número de personas opuestas al proyecto de ley provenientes de ambos lados testificó en la Cámara y el Senado, y dijeron que ellos quieren una de dos cosas: que los exámenes se cancelen completamente o que se continúen sin cambios.

Algunos legisladores tampoco estuvieron de acuerdo. El Senador Bob Rankin, republicano de Carbondale, se opuso al proyecto de ley porque no incluye un examen de inglés en cuarto grado. Colorado está en medio de un esfuerzo más grande para mejorar la enseñanza de lectura, y las interrupciones de este año han causado más preocupación.

El Senador Jeff Bridges, líder de la mayoría y demócrata de Greenwood, dijo que los legisladores encontraron juntos la solución apropiada.

“Este no es el ideal de nadie, sino exactamente lo que Colorado necesita este año,” dijo Bridges.

Los funcionarios de educación del estado esperan presentar la solicitud del permiso esta semana. El Departamento de Educación de Estados Unidos no ha establecido un plazo para contestar las solicitudes. El periodo de exámenes de Colorado comienza la próxima semana.

Las directrices federales no mencionan eliminar materias básicas de grados alternos como una posibilidad, pero un informe sobre métodos de evaluación alternativos preparado a principios de este año por el Center for Assessment para el Council of Chief State School Officers explora la idea.

Hasta ahora Colorado es el primer estado en proponer la eliminación de exámenes en materias básicas, según el Collaborative for Student Success, un grupo de defensa nacional que quiere ver que la mayor cantidad posible de estudiantes tome los exámenes y cree que éstos se pueden usar para dirigir recursos a los estudiantes que necesiten ayuda.

“Tenemos algunas inquietudes en cuanto a si el plan de Colorado podrá lograr eso y estamos observando la situación de cerca,” dijo el grupo en una declaración. “Todavía está por verse si el Departamento de Educación aprobará lo que el estado está pidiendo.”

Joyce Zurkowski, jefa de evaluaciones del Departamento de Educación de Colorado, dijo que las opciones como hacer el examen más corto no son viables en Colorado porque ya el estado acortó bastante los exámenes CMAS en el 2018. Administrar el examen completo en grados alternos dará más datos válidos de qué tan bien los estudiantes están cumpliendo las expectativas académicas.

“Esto es un acuerdo razonable que ojalá resuelva la necesidad de tener datos de los estudiantes y a la misma vez reconocer los muchos, muchos intereses en competencia que las escuelas tienen que cumplir para satisfacer las necesidades académicas, sociales y emocionales de sus estudiantes — y de sus maestros,” dijo ella.

Cómo el estado usa la información dependerá en gran parte de quién participe, dijo Zurkowski, no solamente de cuántos estudiantes, sino también si representan bien todos los trasfondos raciales y étnicos de Colorado, a los discapacitados, y a quieres provienen de hogares bajo el índice de pobreza.

Andrew Ho, profesor y experto en exámenes de la Escuela Graduada de Educación de Harvard, dijo que darles exámenes a los estudiantes en cada materia en años alternos es un balance adecuado entre el deseo de tener información sobre el aprendizaje y el deseo de reducir un poco la carga de dar exámenes.

Una estrategia así proporcionaría suficiente información para saber cuáles escuelas están batallando más ahora que hace dos años, dijo él, lo cual debería ser el propósito principal de los exámenes ahora. Los padres perderían la oportunidad de ver un cuadro más completo sobre el desempeño de sus hijos, pero los que formulan políticas podrían ver dónde se necesita más ayuda.

Ho enfatizó que para tener una idea precisa de eso, los estados necesitan cambiar cómo analizan y reportan los datos de los exámenes, en particular porque el porcentaje de estudiantes que no los tomarán será mayor y decenas de miles de estudiantes no están en los sistemas escolares.

Al mismo tiempo, dijo Ho, Colorado debe determinar cómo resolverá las brechas de aprendizaje identificadas por los exámenes, especialmente con los $1,200 millones en fondos federales que recibirán las escuelas K-12 del estado mediante el último plan de alivio del Congreso por el coronavirus. Las escuelas que estén teniendo dificultades podrían recibir mucho más apoyo financiero.

Sin un plan así, Ho dijo que él no ve el punto de dar exámenes.

“Esta es una situación de ‘o lo aceptas o te callas’ para los defensores de los exámenes educativos,” dijo Ho. “La teoría es convincente y la oportunidad está ahí, pero ellos necesitan un plan porque hay mucha desconfianza.”

El reportero nacional de Chalkbeat Matt Barnum aportó a este reportaje.

Traducción por Milly Suazo.

El próximo año habrá comidas gratis en la mayoría de los distritos escolares de Colorado. ¿El tuyo será uno de ellos?

2022-12-19T18:09:11+00:00

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Muchos distritos escolares de Colorado, entre ellos Jeffco, Cherry Creek, Aurora y Adams 14, tienen planes de ofrecer comidas gratis a todos los estudiantes a partir del otoño de 2023 con un programa estatal nuevo. Este programa será financiado con un impuesto aprobado por los electores y que afectará solamente a las personas con un alto nivel de ingresos.

Chalkbeat hizo una encuesta entre dos docenas de distritos, y 16 de ellos planean tener un plan universal de comidas gratis para todos los estudiantes el próximo año. Algunos distritos todavía no han decidido, y estos incluyen dos de los más grandes de Colorado — Denver y Douglas County.

Brehan Riley, director de nutrición escolar del Departamento de Educación de Colorado, dijo lo siguiente acerca de los funcionarios de los distritos escolares: “Parece que a muchos les interesa, pero todavía no están seguros. Quieren entender el programa un poco más.”

El programa, llamado Healthy School Meals for All, tiene como propósito asegurar que los estudiantes obtengan la nutrición necesaria para aprender y eliminar el estigma que a veces se asocia con el método actual que se usa para determinar quién recibirá comidas gratuitas (según los ingresos).

La iniciativa fue aprobada justo después de dos años en los que el gobierno federal eliminó los requisitos de elegibilidad basada en ingresos, y ahora permite que las escuelas les ofrezcan desayunos y almuerzos gratuitos a todos los estudiantes. Los requisitos volverían a aplicarse este otoño, pero los legisladores y defensores encontraron una manera de volver a tener comidas gratuitas el próximo año pidiéndoles a los electores de Colorado que aprobaran una asignación de fondos nueva con la Propuesta FF.

Los electores dijeron que sí.

La medida generará más de $100 millones al año reduciendo las deducciones de impuestos disponibles para las familias con ingresos de $300,000 o más.

A muchos funcionarios de distrito les entusiasma la idea de alimentar más estudiantes, tal como lo hicieron durante los dos primeros años de la pandemia. Cuando las comidas eran gratis gracias a la eliminación de los requisitos de elegibilidad, los administradores de Boulder Valley vieron un 40% de aumento en la cantidad de estudiantes que comían en la cafetería escolar, el Distrito 27J vio un aumento de 20-30%, y Aurora tuvo un aumento de 7-10%.

Beth Wallace, directora ejecutiva de servicios de comidas y nutrición, dijo que durante la pandemia 30% más estudiantes estaban comiendo en la escuela.

“Estamos atendiendo a esas familias que simplemente necesitan esa ayudita adicional”, dijo ella. “Quizás no califican para comidas gratis o a precio reducido, pero son familias trabajadoras que están teniendo dificultad para afrontar todos sus gastos.”

Algunos padres le han dicho que solamente permiten que sus hijos coman en la escuela dos veces a la semana, cuando el menú incluye sus platos favoritos, porque ellos simplemente no pueden pagar el costo de comer todos los días.

“Estoy sumamente contenta de poder ayudar a esas familias”, nos dijo.

Wallace también dijo que, aunque en el sistema actual no hay manera de que los estudiantes sepan quién está comiendo gratis, es fácil notarlo. Cuando su hijo era más pequeño, ella lo alentaba a comer desayuno en la escuela, pero él se negaba diciendo, ‘mamá, no voy a comer desayuno en la escuela. Eso es para los niños que comen gratis.”

Algunos defensores dicen que ese estigma afecta también a los padres.

En comunidades pequeñas, conoces a la gente que trabaja en la escuela y quizás no quieras decir, ‘necesitamos esta ayuda’ ”, dijo Ashley Wheeland, directora de política pública de la organización sin fines de lucro Hunger Free Colorado.

Para participar en el programa universal de comidas gratis, los distritos escolares de Colorado tendrán que maximizar la cantidad de dólares federales que obtienen solicitando un programa llamado Community Eligibility Provision. Este programa nacional ayuda a cubrir el costo de los programas universales de comidas gratis en las escuelas donde una gran proporción de estudiantes proviene de familias que reciben ciertos beneficios del gobierno, por ejemplo, cupones de alimentos o asistencia financiera con un programa TANF (Temporary Assistance to Needy Families). Las familias en esas escuelas no tendrán que llenar solicitudes para obtener comidas gratis o a precio reducido.

Actualmente, 107 escuelas de Colorado en 26 distritos ofrecen programas universales de comidas gratis a través del programa Community Eligibility Provision. En distritos como Harrison y Pueblo 60, que participan a nivel de distrito, muy poco cambiará para el próximo año. Esos distritos continuarán ofreciéndoles comidas gratis a todos sus estudiantes.

No obstante, hasta las escuelas de Colorado que no califican para el programa Community Eligibility Provision podrán ofrecerles comidas gratis a todos los estudiantes el próximo año porque podrán acceder a los fondos provenientes de la Propuesta FF. Las familias todavía tendrán que llenar solicitudes para obtener comidas gratis o a precio reducido.

Algunos funcionarios de distritos dicen que les preocupa que las familias se confundan si tienen que llenar una solicitud de comida para un hijo, pero no para otro que asiste a una escuela elegible para el programa Community Eligibility Provision.

“Me imagino a un padre pensando ‘no lo entiendo’”, dijo Riley.

La idea, dijo ella, es que ambas escuelas están maximizando los fondos federales que reciben para las comidas. El detalle es que lo están haciendo de dos maneras distintas.

Algunos líderes de los servicios de comidas escolares dicen que les preocupa la falta de personal, las interrupciones en la cadena de suministro, y la necesidad de equipo nuevo para acomodar el aumento en la demanda.

Wallace, que está en Jeffco, dijo que siempre es preocupante tener suficiente espacio para almacenar alimentos y capacidad para cocinar, pero que confía que el distrito podrá hacer que todo funcione porque lo hizo durante la pandemia, cuando había más estudiantes comiendo más comidas en la escuela.

Ella dijo que, al aumentar el volumen de comidas, los distritos pueden obtener mejores precios en los alimentos. Esto puede resultar en que, aunque aumenten los precios un poco, se pueda tener mejores frutas, como por ejemplo fresas, por más semanas en el año.

Riley dijo que, con el programa universal de comidas, los distritos también podrán eliminar el inconveniente administrativo de tratar de tratar de cobrar las cuentas sin pagar — cargos incurridos cuando los estudiantes comen en la escuela pero no son elegibles para comidas gratis y no tienen dinero para pagar en ese momento. Desde que volvieron a aplicarse los requisitos de elegibilidad por ingresos, ella dice que ha escuchado de los administradores de comedores escolares que la deuda está aumentando otra vez.

Ann Schimke es reportera senior en Chalkbeat y cubre temas de niñez temprana y alfabetización temprana. Para comunicarte con Ann, envíale un mensaje a aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Estos estudiantes tuvieron más retrasos académicos durante COVID. ¿Cómo están respondiendo las escuelas en Colorado?

2023-11-08T19:00:00+00:00

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Los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés quizás hayan enfrentado mayores obstáculos durante la pandemia y necesitan apoyo adicional, según dicen expertos y defensores en el campo de la educación.

Los resultados de las pruebas estatales en 2023 muestran que los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés se encuentran más rezagados en comparación con otros grupos de estudiantes que sus pares en 2019, y están teniendo más dificultades para retomar el camino. Tuvieron la reducción más grande en sus habilidades en las principales pruebas estatales de artes del idioma inglés y matemáticas y también mostraron menor crecimiento que sus pares en 2019.

Los resultados de las pruebas no son la única señal de alarma. El 40 por ciento de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés faltaron tanto a la escuela el año pasado que se los identificó como ausentes crónicos, comparado con solo un tercio de otros estudiantes de Colorado.

Se han establecido dos métodos notables para ayudar a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés con su desempeño académico a raíz de COVID.

Un puñado de distritos escolares observaron a sus estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés avanzar más del promedio, o demostrar un mayor crecimiento que el resto de los estudiantes. Líderes en esos distritos dijeron que priorizaron la enseñanza conjunta en lugar de sacar a los estudiantes de clases generales para recibir enseñanza específica sobre el desarrollo del idioma inglés. Por lo menos un distrito usó fondos federales por COVID para proporcionarles servicios de tutoría a esos estudiantes.

Pero algunos otros distritos dicen que no han asignado recursos ni estrategias específicas para ayudar a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés. De hecho, sin importar datos recientes y lo que los analistas del estado digan sobre el tema, niegan que la pandemia haya afectado desproporcionadamente a estos estudiantes. Dicen que la composición demográfica de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés ha cambiado y ahora incluye a más estudiantes recién llegados al país.

“Hay distritos que no parecen estar muy preocupados con los estudiantes bilingües emergentes”, dijo Cynthia Trinidad-Sheahan, presidenta de la Asociación de Educación Bilingüe de Colorado.

Representantes del estado en el campo de la educación dicen que no pueden darles más dinero a los distritos para ayudarlos con los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés a menos que los legisladores autoricen más gastos o nuevos programas. “Eso lo deberá contestar la Asamblea General”, dijo Floyd Cobb, comisionado de la Asociación de Educación de Colorado, al preguntarle cómo la agencia espera cerrar la brecha entre los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés y estudiantes[AC1] que hablan inglés como primer idioma.

La mayoría de los datos sobre calificaciones de pruebas muestran una tendencia negativa

Cuando las escuelas implementaron la enseñanza virtual al principio de la pandemia, algunas escuelas enfrentaron dificultades para ofrecer apoyo con el desarrollo del idioma inglés. Los estudiantes no tenían un entorno para practicar su nuevo idioma, y en sus hogares muchas familias no podían apoyarlos con el aprendizaje virtual. Y cuando las escuelas regresaron a la enseñanza presencial, algunas familias de estudiantes que estaban aprendiendo inglés titubearon más que otras familias para enviar nuevamente a sus hijos de inmediato al salón de clases.

Las desigualdades en las calificaciones de las pruebas entre los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés y quienes hablan inglés como primer idioma no son nuevas. Una razón es que la gran mayoría de los estudiantes del inglés están tomando pruebas en inglés antes de entender totalmente el idioma. Una cantidad limitada de estudiantes puede tomar pruebas de artes del idioma en español, pero esos resultados también reflejan calificaciones mucho más bajas que los estudiantes en 2019, mientras que los que hablan inglés como primer idioma en los mismos niveles de grado casi ya se recuperaron.

Las calificaciones de este año en la prueba ACCESS, la cual evalúa la habilidad de los estudiantes para dominar el idioma inglés, muestran que una porción más pequeña de estudiantes lo dominan en 2023 comparado con 2019. Y hace cuatro años, el 9.4 por ciento de estudiantes de primer grado obtuvieron una calificación de nivel 1, el nivel más bajo. Pero en 2023, casi un cuarto de los estudiantes de primer grado obtuvieron el nivel más bajo.

Cuando el estado publicó las calificaciones de CMAS en agosto, los representantes estatales dijeron que la mayoría de los grupos de estudiantes históricamente desventajados había regresado a los niveles de crecimiento prepandemia, excepto los estudiantes multilingües en la materia de artes del idioma inglés. Dijeron que sin acelerar su aprendizaje, esos estudiantes “continuarán retrasándose aún más”.

“Creo que tenemos una cantidad creíble de evidencia para poder decir que nuestros estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés se vieron afectados por COVID—y afectados desproporcionadamente”, dijo Joyce Zurkowski, directora ejecutiva de evaluaciones en el Departamento de Educación de Colorado.

Algunos distritos minimizan las tendencias negativas de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés

A pesar de lo que los datos significan para personas como Zurkwoski, los líderes de algunos distritos piensan que los datos de los estudiantes que estaban aprendiendo inglés en 2019 no son comparables con los datos de estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés en 2023 debido a recientes llegadas de inmigrantes de Afganistán, Ucrania y América del Sur, quienes han cambiado la composición demográfica de esos grupos.

Representantes del estado dicen que aunque eso ha afectado a muchos distritos, las cantidades de recién llegados no son suficientes como para explicar todas las reducciones en los datos de logros.

En Cherry Creek, líderes del distrito dicen que están monitoreando cuántos estudiantes están logrando dominar el inglés. En Colorado, para que un estudiante deje de ser identificado como estudiante del inglés, los maestros usan datos de las calificaciones de ACCESS y pruebas estatales. Pero también pueden usar sus propias observaciones y datos internos para probar que un estudiante ya no necesita ciertas clases y servicios en inglés.

Holly Porter, directora de apoyos para el idioma en Cherry Creek, dijo que usualmente alrededor del 85 por ciento de los estudiantes se consideran como competentes en el idioma inglés a tres años de haber ingresado al distrito, y el 95 por ciento alcanza esa designación en cinco años.

Aunque las cantidades más recientes todavía no están disponibles, Porter dijo que la tendencia se ha mantenido constante.

Porter también dijo que los estudiantes que dejan de recibir servicios para el inglés siguen desempeñándose bien en la escuela y muestran un crecimiento por arriba del promedio en pruebas estatales, lo cual confirma los avances.

“Encontramos que muchos estudiantes estaban rezagados, no solo los estudiantes multilingües”, dijo.

En el distrito escolar de Harrison en Colorado Springs, Rachel Laufer, asistente del superintendente de enseñanza y aprendizaje, dijo que los desafíos que surgen con estudiantes recién llegados es que “las escuelas están trabajando para apoyar no solo las necesidades del lenguaje y académicas de las familias, sino también los otros obstáculos que existen para las familias que acaban de llegar al país”. Las familias necesitan ayuda con el transporte, la vivienda y otras cosas para que los estudiantes puedan ir a la escuela a aprender, dijo.

Aunque no les preocupan los datos, los líderes del distrito de Harrison dijeron que han realizado algunos cambios en cómo ayudan a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés y a los recién llegados en particular.

En los últimos años, el distrito ha intentado aumentar el personal para asegurar que haya por lo menos un maestro certificado para trabajar con estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés en cada escuela, en lugar de tener que dividir su tiempo en diferentes escuelas. El distrito también está probando lentamente la enseñanza conjunta.

Laufer dijo que Harrison priorizó que los estudiantes del inglés y con discapacidades regresaran al aprendizaje presencial. Pero cuando el distrito usó el aprendizaje híbrido y los padres pudieron decidir si enviar o no a sus hijos a la escuela, fue más probable que los estudiantes que estaban aprendiendo inglés se quedaran en casa.

“Fue una mayor preocupación para ellos”, Laufer dijo. “Creo que podrías conectar eso con algunos de los datos”.

Aumentando el entusiasmo entre los maestros para ayudar a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés

Hay algunos distritos en Colorado donde algunos de los datos entre los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés son más positivos.

En Pueblo 60, por ejemplo, la calificación del crecimiento este año en la prueba de CMAS en artes del idioma de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés ahora es más alta que para los estudiantes que hablan inglés como primer idioma. En el distrito escolar 3J del Condado de Weld, la calificación del crecimiento en matemáticas mejoró entre 2019 y 2023.

La mejora no es uniforme en los distritos. En 3J, por ejemplo, a pesar de mejoras significativas en el crecimiento de las pruebas de matemáticas de CMS, el crecimiento en la prueba de ACCESS disminuyó.

Mientras tanto, los estudiantes de Adams 14 mostraron un crecimiento significativo en las pruebas ACCESS para ver si dominan el inglés—el crecimiento más alto entre distritos grandes—pero no mostraron mejoras en otras pruebas estatales.

En Pueblo, los líderes del distrito dijeron que ya estaban trabajando para renovar la educación de los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés antes de la pandemia.

La high school abrió un centro para estudiantes recién llegados hace siete años. En los últimos cinco años, el distrito ha trabajado en su filosofía de enseñanza y en que la enseñanza concuerde con los estándares de contenido.

Tanto Pueblo como 3J también han trabajado para reducir la cantidad de tiempo que a los estudiantes los sacan del salón de clases para recibir enseñanza sobre el idioma inglés, una estrategia que también se está usando en otros distritos como Harrison y Boulder donde los datos son menos positivos.

En escuelas primarias de Pueblo 60, la enseñanza donde se saca a los estudiantes del salón general ya no ocurre durante matemáticas ni lectura. En la escuela media, los maestros van a las clases de los estudiantes en lugar de sacarlos.

Ese fue un cambio que los maestros mismos sugirieron.

“Realmente estaban en sintonía con lo que sus estudiantes necesitaban así que aceptamos su sugerencia y dijimos: ‘bueno, intentemos eso y veamos si marca una diferencia’”, dijo Lisa Casarez, la especialista en adquisición del idioma inglés del distrito escolar de Pueblo. Ahora, en las escuelas de educación media, piensa que eso ha sucedido.

Los datos del estado muestran que los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés en las escuelas medias de Pueblo 60 obtuvieron calificaciones más altas de crecimiento en las pruebas de CMAS sobre las artes del idioma que los estudiantes en escuelas primarias y sus pares que ya dominan el inglés en escuelas de educación media.

Tanto en 3J como en Pueblo, líderes dijeron que han observado más entusiasmo entre todos los maestros para aprender cómo ayudar a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

El departamento de educación del estado ahora obliga que todos los maestros reciban capacitación en Educación Cultural y Lingüísticamente Diversa cuando renuevan sus licencias. Eso significa que aprender cómo ayudar a esos estudiantes ya no es responsabilidad de unos pocos educadores con licencias especiales.

“Hemos observado mucho interés entre los maestros de educación general para apoyar a los estudiantes multilingües”, dijo Jenny Wakeman, asistente del superintendente en 3J. “Eso es algo que han hecho naturalmente”.

También ayudaron fondos adicionales. Wakeman dijo que su distrito usó algunos fondos federales por la pandemia para proporcionar intervenciones adicionales, incluida más tutoría, específicamente para estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés.

Mientras tanto, dijo que los maestros ahora están haciendo sus propios estudios de libros para aprender aún más sobre cómo ayudar a los estudiantes que están aprendiendo inglés. Ese es el tipo de actitud que Zurkowski con el departamento de educación de Colorado dice que se necesita para ayudar a esos estudiantes a ponerse a la par.

“Sabemos que esas brechas eran grandes antes de la pandemia, [y] son grandes después de la pandemia”, Zurkowski dijo. “Justifican esfuerzos intensivos de intervención”.

Yesenia Robles es una reportera para Chalkbeat Colorado, cubriendo distritos escolares de kindergarten a 12º grado y la educación multilingüe. Comunícate con Yesenia por correo electrónico a yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado hands out grants aimed at college opportunities, workforce training for in-demand jobs

2023-07-24T18:02:00+00:00

Colorado is investing a chunk of its federal relief money in the future of students to boost the job economy.

The Polis administration announced in June that the state would award $27 million to 46 groups across the state in a first round of funding to support workforce training in local urban, suburban, and rural economies via the Opportunity Now Colorado grant program. Grants range from $50,000 to $7 million.

The grants aim to make college more accessible for high school students, open educational opportunities for older adults who never attended or finished college, and “are intended to help connect more Coloradans with in-demand, high-wage occupations,” according to the governor’s office. It also will fund healthcare education programs in order to address the healthcare worker shortage that has been a persistent problem throughout the pandemic.

“This is designed to help fill the workforce gap and get people the skills they need for positions that are available and ready to start today and tomorrow — it will help power economy and help Colorado shine in terms of workforce readiness,” said Gov. Jared Polis in an interview with Chalkbeat Colorado.

Eve Lieberman, the executive director of the Office of Economic Development and International Trade, said, “Increasingly we were hearing from businesses that they want to be partnering with educational institutions and creating these innovative models. That’s exactly what we’re doing here is forming grant opportunities to allow for that innovation, those partnerships, and to have industry help co-create that talent.”

In 2021, Colorado lawmakers passed legislation that created the Student Success and Workforce Revitalization Task Force Report to determine how to spend federal pandemic relief money.

The task force’s main suggestion was to create a statewide grant program for innovative ideas that connect community groups, colleges, and employers. The state is now using $85 million of the one-time federal money on the grants.

St. Vrain Valley Schools is using its $7 million grant to partner with multiple organizations and school districts, including Estes Park R-3, Weld RE-3J, and Adams 12 Five Star Schools, to further develop its early childhood/K-12 education, technology, and advanced manufacturing workforce pathway programs.

St. Vrain currently partners with CU Denver in a program for high school juniors and seniors to take dual education enrollment courses that can transfer to CU Denver after graduation. With the new funds, CU Denver will develop classes for adult working professionals and high school students to access college coursework and earn additional credits. The credits will be free to students and district professionals.

“Being able to remove so many financial barriers, it gives students a real strong feeling of success and our older working professionals, where many of them haven’t been in school for a number of years, the same feeling,” said Diane Lauer, St. Vrain Valley School District’s chief academic officer.

Students will be able to earn certificates in the technology or advanced manufacturing fields in welding, metal fabrication, pipefitting, electronics, and machinery operation.

St. Vrain Valley students learn about AI and robotics technology July 19 at the district’s Innovation Center during a week-long STEM summer camp.

Colorado State University of Pueblo was awarded over $1.39 million to help address the healthcare crisis, especially for Coloradoans who are Hispanic, rural, and low-income. The money will help address the state nursing shortage with new nurses and instructors in the graduate program.

“One of the reasons that nursing shortages exist is because there’s a shortage of nursing instructors. This is due to retirements in the healthcare workforce, and could be a university or college-level nursing program not being able to admit the number of students that are applying because there are not enough qualified faculty with the credentials to instruct,” said Alexandra Hansen, CSU Pueblo’s regional development officer.

Hansen said that the university wants to listen to its community and encourage those in the southern Colorado region to join an in-demand, high-paying occupation.

People who have experienced limited access to healthcare may find the nursing field a fulfilling career, Hansen said.

Limited access could be due to staffing shortages or “because they’re a Spanish-speaking family who have experienced going to a clinic where there are no Spanish-speaking providers,” she said.

The grant will support graduate students in becoming nurse managers, educators, and practitioners at the master’s and doctoral levels. It aims to enhance health equity in 15 counties in southern Colorado.

Tepeyac Community Health Center in Denver received over $1 million from the grant program. Tepeyac’s program will initially focus on increasing equitable access to clinic positions, training, and licensing. Tepeyac historically has served the Latino communities in the Globeville and Elyria-Swansea neighborhoods since the early 1990s.

Two additional rounds of grant funding with the remaining $58 million will be available through Opportunity Now Colorado, with the next application period opening in August. The last of the grants will be announced by December 2024.

Sara Martin is an intern with Chalkbeat Colorado. Contact Sara at smartin@chalkbeat.org

Colorado lawmakers will consider program to ease summer childhood hunger

2023-11-15T00:05:32+00:00

Low-income families in Colorado could receive $120 per child to help pay for groceries next summer if state lawmakers agree to tap a federal program aimed at reducing childhood hunger when school is out.

The legislature begins meeting Friday for a special session to address spiking property taxes after voters rejected Proposition HH. But lawmakers will also consider the summer grocery program because the state must opt in by Jan. 1 to participate in 2024.

The program has a wonky name — Summer Electronic Benefits Transfer, or Summer EBT — but the idea is simple: Reduce childhood hunger in low-income families when school meal programs are on break or harder to access over the summer. Eligible families would get a card preloaded with money to buy food that is sent to their homes when school’s out.

Families of up to 350,000 Colorado children would benefit.

The program would be another step in Colorado’s continuing effort to shrink the number of children who go hungry in the state. Starting this school year, the vast majority of Colorado students can get free school meals regardless of family income because of a universal meal program approved by voters in 2022.

A program similar to Summer EBT was in place during the pandemic, but it was optional for school districts, and it expired last summer. The new Summer EBT program would require all districts in the federal government’s National School Lunch Program to participate. In Colorado, that’s every district but Aspen.

Helping low-income families pay for groceries in the summer reduces childhood food insecurity, increases fruit and vegetable intake, and cuts the amount of sugary beverages children drink, according to federal evaluations of a pilot Summer EBT program in several states.

Families would be eligible for Summer EBT in 2024 if they have household incomes at or below 185% of the federal poverty level — $55,500 for a family of four — and have children attending preschool through 12th grade in a public school that offers the National School Lunch or Breakfast Program.

For the state to participate, Colorado lawmakers will have to appropriate about $3.5 million to help administer the program, said Brehan Riley, school nutrition director at the Colorado Department of Education. The federal government would match that amount, plus send $35 million to $42 million directly to qualifying families in the form of benefit cards. The program would be jointly administered by the Colorado Department of Human Services and the education department.

Riley said children will still be able to get any free summer meals offered through their school district even if their families also receive the Summer EBT benefit.

“The $120, I think it averages out to $1.33 a day,” she said. “So it’s supposed to supplement” the summer school meals program. Some students can’t get to local schools that offer summer meals because they live too far away or don’t have transportation.

If state lawmakers approve the Summer EBT program during the special session, which could last just three days, Colorado would join 10 other states planning to participate next summer. They include Illinois, Kansas, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Virginia, and West Virginia

The Colorado State Board of Education voted 7-1 in support of the proposed Summer EBT bill on Tuesday. Board member Debora Scheffel, a Republican who represents a large swath of eastern Colorado, voted no. Board member Steve Durham, also a Republican, was absent.

If lawmakers approve the Summer EBT bill, Riley said the most important thing parents can do to ensure they’re eligible is fill out the free and reduced-price meal form at their child’s school. In some districts, the form may have a slightly different name, possibly the “family economic data survey.”

“We are hearing from districts that families haven’t been filling out those forms,” she said. “In order to receive summer EBT benefits, that form has to be in place.”

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Test scores say COVID was especially rough on English learners. Not all school districts agree.

2023-11-08T19:00:00+00:00

Leer en español.

English learners might have been hit especially hard during the pandemic and need extra targeted support, experts and advocates say. But some school district leaders aren’t yet concerned about the data.

Results from 2023 state tests show English learners are further behind their peers from 2019 compared with other student groups, and they’re struggling more to get back on track.

On the main state tests in English language arts and math, the biggest falloff in proficiency between 2019 and this year is for English learners. They also showed less growth. Of those taking the SAT and PSAT for example, only students with disabilities showed less growth.

Helping English learners recover from the pandemic has been a complex problem nationwide. And test scores aren’t the only warning sign about how English learners in Colorado schools are faring: While nearly a third of Colorado students were chronically absent last year, for example, 40% of English learners missed enough school to get that label. In Colorado, English learners make up 12% of all K-12 students. Some districts have much higher concentrations than others.

There have been two notable approaches to English learners in COVID’s wake when it comes to academics.

A handful of school districts where English learners made up more ground than the average, or had better growth than non-English learners, said they prioritized co-teaching instead of pulling students out of mainstream classes to receive specific instruction on English language development. At least one district used federal COVID aid to give those students tutoring. And some district leaders also said they’ve noticed more teachers are now interested in learning strategies that specifically help English learners.

But in other districts, leaders say they haven’t devoted specific resources or strategies to help English learners. In fact, regardless of recent data and what state analysts say about it, they deny that the pandemic had an outsized impact on these students. They point to the changing makeup of English learners, among other factors.

“There are districts that don’t seem to be very concerned with emerging bilingual students,” said Cynthia Trinidad-Sheahan, president of the Colorado Association for Bilingual Education,

Whether these students get extra resources and support could depend on Colorado politics. After the Colorado Department of Education published the Colorado Measures of Academic Success (CMAS) scores in August, Associate Commissioner Floyd Cobb answered a question about how the agency would help close the gap between English learners and their peers by saying: “That’ll need to be answered by the General Assembly.”

Most test score data shows negative trend

When schools instituted remote learning at the start of the pandemic, some schools struggled to keep offering English language development. Students didn’t have an environment in which to practice their new language, and at home many of their families struggled to support them in accessing remote learning. And when schools resumed in-person instruction, some families of English learners were more reluctant than others to immediately send their children back to classrooms.

Test score disparities between English learners and native English speakers aren’t new. One reason is that the vast majority of English learners are testing in English before they have a full grasp of the language.

A limited number of students can take the test in Spanish for a couple of years. But results show those students did much worse than their 2019 counterparts, while native English speakers in the same grade levels have nearly recovered.

This year’s scores on the ACCESS test, which measures students’ English fluency, show that a smaller share of students are proficient in 2023 than in 2019. And four years ago, 9.4% of first graders scored at a level 1, the lowest level. But in 2023, 23.3% of first graders scored at the lowest level.

In some cases, the decline in the share of English learners achieving proficiency is just a handful of percentage points. But that doesn’t necessarily capture the pandemic’s impact.

For example, out of every 100 English learners in the fourth grade who took the CMAS language arts test for reading and writing, roughly eight met expectations, down from about 12 out of 100 in 2019. For every 100 students who aren’t English learners, about 49 met expectations this year, where 54 out of 100 met expectations in 2019.

Both groups’ proficiency rates dropped by around four to five percentage points. But four fewer English learners achieving proficiency means their share of who met expectations has dropped by roughly a third — far more proportionally than the decline for non-English learners.

Separately, CMAS growth scores, in which students’ performance is compared to peers who performed similarly in the past, also show English learners aren’t making the same growth as other student groups now, or as English learners did in the past. Students who are behind need a growth score above 50, on a scale of 0-100, to catch up.

When the state released CMAS scores in August, state officials said that groups of historically disadvantaged students were back to growth levels from before the pandemic, except for multilingual learners on English language arts. They said that without accelerating their learning, those students “will continue to fall further behind.”

“I believe we have a credible amount of evidence to be able to say that our English learners were impacted by COVID — and impacted disproportionately,” said Joyce Zurkowski, chief assessment officer for the Colorado Department of Education.

Some districts downplay negative trends for English learners

Despite what the data tells people like Zurkwoski, some district leaders think that the data for English learners in 2019 isn’t comparable to data for English learners in 2023 because of the recent waves of immigrants from Afghanistan, Ukraine, and South America, changing the demographics and make up of those groups.

State officials say that while that has impacted many districts, the numbers of new arrivals aren’t enough to completely account for all of the drops in achievement data.

District leaders have had access to state test data for months but have focused on different data points.

In Cherry Creek, district leaders say they’re monitoring how many students are becoming proficient in English. In Colorado, to move a student out of the English learner designation, teachers use ACCESS scores and state test score data. But they can also use their own observations and internal data to make the case that a student no longer requires specific English classes and services.

Holly Porter, director of language supports for Cherry Creek, said that typically about 85% of students are deemed English proficient within three years of entering the district, and 95% reach that status within five years.

Although the most recent numbers aren’t available yet, Porter said that trend has remained consistent.

When she looks at CMAS scores and other state data, Porter points out that participation dropped, including among English learners. One reason is that in 2018, the federal government asked states to allow some newcomer students to not take state language arts tests for the first year they’re enrolled.

These students tended to show very high growth because they were starting from a point of knowing no English. Porter said excluding these students made data for English learners look worse.

But that change was already in effect before the pandemic struck.

Still, for Porter, when comparing the pre-pandemic environment to what followed, she says “it’s just not the same kids, not the same data, not the same experiences. For me there’s too many variables there to say this is a definite issue until I can look at it for a couple years out of COVID.”

From 2019 to 2023, the growth score of Cherry Creek’s English learners fell from 48 to 45. Growth scores for non-English learners went up from 46 to 50 over the same time span.

Porter said, however, that growth scores for students who have reached English proficiency have held steady at 53. Students remain monitored as former English learners for two years after they stop receiving language services. Seeing that these students do well on state tests, and that the percentage of students exiting services is still high, Porter said, is additional reassurance that students are getting the English instruction they need to do well in school after they stop getting services.

Porter said the district isn’t necessarily doing anything to target the recovery of English learners, though 350 newcomer students are getting tutoring through a grant.

“We found that a lot of students were behind, not just multilingual learners,” she said.

In the Harrison school district, leaders also are slightly skeptical about comparing this year’s data with pre-pandemic scores. English learners in Harrison showed above average growth on ACCESS tests in 2019, with a score of 61, but that dropped rapidly to 51 in 2023. On CMAS language arts and math tests, student growth scores showed that English learners made less progress than other students.

While Cherry Creek attributes lower scores to excluding data from newcomer students, leaders in Harrison say a large influx of newcomers has contributed to lower scores. Both say the population of students has changed from from 2019 to 2023.

District leaders say that’s because starting in January 2021, they saw a dramatic increase in the number of refugees from Afghanistan, Guatemala, and Honduras who aren’t native English speakers.

Rachel Laufer, assistant superintendent of teaching and learning, said the challenges that come with more newcomers is that “schools are working to support not only the language and academic needs of families, but also the other barriers that exist for families that are new to the county.” That includes helping with transportation, housing, and other resources.

While they aren’t worried about the data, Harrison district leaders said they have made some changes to how they help English learners and newcomers in particular.

In the last few years, the district has tried to increase staffing to ensure there is at least one licensed teacher working with English learners at each school, instead of having to have them split their time across sites. The district is also slowly trying more co-teaching.

Laufer said Harrison prioritized bringing back groups like English learners and students with disabilities to in-person classes. But when the district used hybrid learning and parents could decide whether to send their children to school, English learners were more likely to stay home.

“It was a bigger concern for them,” Laufer said. “I think you could connect that to some of the data.”

Getting teachers enthusiastic about helping English learners

There are a few Colorado districts where some of the data was more positive for English learners.

In Pueblo 60, for example, the growth score this year for English learners on the CMAS language arts test is now higher than it is for non-English learners. In Weld County 3J, their growth score in math improved from 2019 to 2023.

The improvement isn’t uniform within districts. In 3J, for example, despite the significant growth improvements on CMAS math tests, growth scores for ACCESS tests dropped from 56 in 2019 to 41.5 in 2023.

Adams 14 students, meanwhile, showed significant growth on ACCESS tests for English fluency — the highest among large districts — but they didn’t show improvement on other state tests.

In Pueblo, district leaders said that they were working on revamping education for English learners even before the pandemic.

The high school opened a center for newcomer students seven years ago. For the last five years, the district has worked on its philosophy of teaching and on aligning instruction to content standards.

Both Pueblo and 3J have also worked to reduce the extent to which students are pulled out of classes to receive English language instruction, a strategy also happening in other districts like Harrison and Boulder where the data is less positive.

In Pueblo 60 elementary schools, pull-out instruction no longer occurs during math or reading classes. In middle school, teachers are going into students’ classes instead of pulling them out.

That was a change suggested by teachers themselves.

“They really were in tune with what their students needed and so we took a cue from them and said ‘well lets go ahead and try that and see if that made a difference,’” said Lisa Casarez, Pueblo’s English language acquisition specialist. Now, for the middle schools, she thinks it has.

State data show English learners in Pueblo 60 middle schools had higher growth scores on language arts CMAS tests than elementary students or non-English learner middle school peers.

In both 3J and Pueblo, leaders said they’ve seen more enthusiasm from all teachers to learn how to help their English learners.

3J leaders traced that shift to a few years ago when the district rolled out state-mandated rules requiring many teachers to receive training in Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Education when they renewed their licenses.

That meant that learning how to help these students didn’t just fall to the dedicated staff member licensed to work with English learners.

“We’ve seen a lot of interest from general education teachers to support multilingual learners,” said Jenny Wakeman, assistant superintendent for 3J. “That’s something they’ve done naturally.”

Additional funding also helped. Wakeman said her district used some federal pandemic aid — known as Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief, or ESSER — to provide additional interventions specifically for English learners, including before- and after-school tutoring.

In the meantime, she said teachers started a book club to learn even more about how to help students who are learning English. That’s the kind of attitude that Zurkowski of the Colorado education department says is necessary to help those students catch up.

“We know that those gaps were large pre-pandemic, they are large post-pandemic,” Zurkowski said. “They warrant intensive intervention efforts.”

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Proposition HH election results: Voters reject property tax measure that would have shored up school funding

2023-11-08T04:11:09+00:00

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Colorado voters strongly rejected Proposition HH, Democrats’ effort to offer property tax relief while shoring up school funding.

Advocates on both sides seemed to have anticipated the outcome, with the “no” campaign dubbing their watch party a celebration a full day before polls closed and the “yes” campaign not holding a watch party at all.

Proposition HH would have offered home and business owners some relief from rising property taxes while also allowing the state to keep and spend more money from other taxes, such as sales and income taxes. Much of that extra money would have been placed in the state education fund, where it could be used to support K-12 schools. In turn, less money would be available for taxpayer refunds after next year.

“Ultimately, people wanted simple property tax reform, and instead they came up with a 48-page bill that took away TABOR refunds without offering enough property tax relief,” said Michael Fields, president of Advance Colorado Action, a key player in the “no” campaign.

The defeat has renewed calls for a special legislative session, something Gov. Jared Polis has steadfastly refused to commit to. A spokesman said via text message Tuesday evening that Polis is disappointed voters didn’t pass property tax relief, and he is considering next steps.

Lawmakers have until December to provide some sort of property tax relief before the impact of 40% valuation increases hits homeowners and business owners. Any effort to cut property taxes, in turn, will affect funding for schools and many other local districts.

“All these property tax dollars coming in are what allows the governor to balance the budget and pay down the negative factor,” said Bell Policy Center President Scott Wasserman, who supported Proposition HH. “If this money goes away, we have to make up for it.”

The negative factor refers to the more than $10 billion Colorado lawmakers have withheld from K-12 schools to pay for other budget priorities since the start of the Great Recession. This withholding is also known as the budget stabilization factor. Next year’s proposed Colorado budget is the first since 2008 to fully fund schools. Higher local property taxes over the last several years have helped make that possible. More local funding means the state doesn’t need to kick in as much to meet constitutional funding requirements.

Education groups, including the Colorado Association of School Boards, the Colorado Education Association, and Democrats for Education Reform, all backed Proposition HH and provided much of the more than $2 million spent in favor of the measure.

They hoped the extra money Proposition HH would provide for schools would allow funding to increase in the future or help the state avoid cuts in a future recession. They also feared that not providing property tax relief would give fuel to Initiative 50, a measure Fields’ group has placed on the ballot for 2024 that could cap the growth of property taxes at 4% a year.

Wasserman called Initiative 50 a “school district destroyer.”

Yet Polis consistently refused to talk about Proposition HH’s impact on school funding, instead focusing on property tax relief.

Wasserman said the “yes” campaign might have benefited from a more honest conversation.

“Everyone involved should have talked much more holistically than just about property taxes,” he said. “I think the governor could have been more forthcoming with voters about the problem this was trying to solve.”

Wasserman said property taxes pay for so many critical local services, from fire districts to libraries to schools, and voters need to think about how property tax relief affects funding for those services.

Fields said he’ll withdraw Initiative 50 if the legislature provides more significant property tax relief than was offered in Proposition HH and agrees to some sort of cap on future increases. He rejected the idea that school districts would be harmed by a cap on future revenue.

“It’s a matter of prioritization,” Fields said. “I think there should be more money coming from the state. They should be fully funding schools and making sure more of that money gets into the classroom.”

School funding levels in Colorado are set by the state through a formula. The state makes up for whatever local property taxes don’t cover. That means whatever happens with property taxes has major implications for the state budget. Even as the state has struggled to meet its constitutional obligations to fund schools, K-12 education takes up more than a third of the general fund and crowds out other budget priorities, including higher education.

At the same time, Colorado funds its schools below the national average, and rural school districts offer some of the lowest starting salaries in the country.

Colorado voters have repeatedly rejected efforts to raise taxes statewide to increase school funding or to allow the state to keep and spend more money from existing taxes.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Proposed Colorado budget would fully fund K-12 schools for first time since Great Recession

2023-11-02T00:08:46+00:00

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Next year’s Colorado budget could mark the first time since the Great Recession that the state meets its constitutional obligations to fund K-12 schools.

Gov. Jared Polis released his proposed budget on Wednesday. It includes an additional $564.1 million for K-12 education and brings an end to what has been known as the budget stabilization factor, a mechanism that allows lawmakers to divert K-12 funding to other priorities.

Polis said the money would allow school districts to lower class size and pay teachers more. His budget also includes $42.7 million more for higher education institutions, financial aid, and student support.

Amendment 23 requires that K-12 funding increase every year by the rate of population growth plus inflation. But since 2009, through the budget stabilization factor, lawmakers have diverted over $10 billion that should go to K-12 schools. When they set this year’s budget, they promised to end the practice altogether next year.

Polis’ proposed budget sticks with that promise, though he warned that nothing is set in stone.

“It’s not a done deal in that sense because previous legislators can’t force the funding,” Polis said.

Polis is required to craft a budget proposal every year by Nov. 1. But the budget lawmakers adopt in March or April is actually written by the six legislators on the Joint Budget Committee.

Polis’ budget would bring total state spending to $43.5 billion and calls for new investments in housing, health care, renewable energy, and public safety in addition to education.

Polis’ 2024-25 fiscal year budget would increase K-12 funding to about $9.67 billion, or about 6% more than this year. The budget earmarks $705 more per student in funding, or an about 6.6% increase. Statewide, that would bring per pupil spending to $11,319.

The budget doesn’t factor in the effects of Proposition HH. If voters approve the complex property tax relief measure, school districts would have less money from local property taxes and the state would have to increase its own schools funding to make up the difference. However, there should be enough money in the state education fund, a sort of savings account, to cover that obligation.

If Proposition HH doesn’t pass, lawmakers could be debating property taxes again, with uncertain impacts.

The governor also wants $39.7 million more for college and university budgets and financial aid for students. Another $3 million would be used to support the college attendance of youth who have experienced homelessness.

Colleges and universities would also be allowed to increase tuition 2% for in-state and 6% for out-of-state students.

In previous years, college and university leaders have banded together to request more funding. Last year, higher education leaders said the governor’s budget didn’t include enough to cover inflationary increases, increased student services, and increased wages.

“Everybody always wants more money and institutions of higher education are no exception, but we’re confident that we can meet these goals,” Polis said.

Other K-12 and higher education highlights include:

$15 million to fully fund the state’s Charter School Mill Levy Equalization fund, bringing the total to $42 million. This money would provide state-authorized charter schools with similar funding to district-authorized charter schools, which benefit from additional local property taxes.
$8 million more focused on science, technology, engineering, and math grants to fund after-school enrichment and programming.
$4.3 million for universal preschool. About $3.3 million go to better the state’s technology systems after a rocky rollout. Another $1 million would go toward improving quality among providers.
$7.8 million to boost work-based learning in K-12 schools, $5 million to address statewide veterinary shortages, and $3.1 million for educational talent mentorship programs to help support teachers.
$2 million in grant funding and $30 million in tax credits to expand apprenticeship programs. Polis also wants $2 million and $30 million in tax credits to support Opportunity Now grants, or a program that helps develop public-private partnerships focused on workforce development.

For the last several years, Republicans have pushed for more school funding and accused the Democrats who control the legislature of expanding other government programs at the expense of schools. Democrats have said they want to increase school funding responsibly and sustainably — and the state only now has the resources to meet its constitutional obligations.

In a press release in response to Polis’ budget, Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican, referred back to that history.

“After years of Republican demands that we fully fund students — instead of growing state government, we are glad to see Governor Polis chose to follow our leadership and prioritize funding for students and teachers,” Lundeen said. “It is critically important that the budget proposal acknowledges that charter school students are public school students and deserve equal funding support.”

Polis’ budget was met with praise by the Colorado Education Association.

In a news release, the association, which represents nearly 40,000 educators, said the governor’s budget underscores the attentiveness to their concerns and an unwavering commitment to strengthening public education.

“We are ready to move into our fully funded era,” said Amie Baca-Oehlert, a high school counselor and president of the association. “We applaud Governor Polis for taking swift action to address the long-standing funding challenges faced by Colorado’s public schools.”

Polis will need to update his budget in January. That budget will then head to the Joint Budget Committee, which will craft a budget that will be voted on by the House and Senate. During that time, House and Senate members can propose amendments that will then be considered by the budget committee before the final budget is approved.

Proposition HH: How the property tax measure would affect school funding

2023-10-30T20:53:04+00:00

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Colorado voters face a complex decision on their November ballots that will affect property tax bills, income tax refunds, and school funding for at least the next decade.

Proposition HH asks: Shall the state reduce property taxes for homes and businesses, including expanding property tax relief for seniors, and backfill counties, water districts, fire districts, ambulance and hospital districts, and other local governments and fund school districts by using a portion of the state surplus up to the Proposition HH cap as defined in this measure?

If that sounds complicated, it is.

Gov. Jared Polis and Democratic lawmakers placed Proposition HH on the ballot this spring as homeowners received new property assessments that increased their values an average of 40%. Lawmakers worried that dramatic property tax increases would hurt businesses and lower income homeowners and give momentum to conservative efforts to cut taxes further.

Proposition HH would reduce how much property value is taxable, blunting the impact of higher assessments. It also would limit how much additional revenue most local governments could collect year over year. School districts would be exempt from that second provision.

This means property owners would pay less under Proposition HH than they would otherwise — but also that park and library districts, fire departments, and school districts would collect less tax revenue than under current law.

At the same time, state government is bringing in more money than ever from income and sales taxes due to a strong economy. The Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights limits how much spending can increase to the rate of population growth plus inflation. Any money collected over that cap — estimated to be $1.9 billion next budget year alone — must be returned to taxpayers as refunds.

Proposition HH would raise the spending limit, allowing the state government to keep more money from existing taxes and reducing future TABOR refunds. The extra money would be used to backfill some of the lost local revenue, shore up the state education fund, and provide rental assistance.

Proponents say Proposition HH balances property tax relief and the need to fund critical government services. It would allow Colorado to protect education funding against future recessions and keep up with inflation. If Proposition HH passes, Colorado could meet its constitutional school funding obligations and then some — something the state hasn’t done for more than a decade.

Opponents of Proposition HH say it’s essentially a tax increase to fund schools — something voters have repeatedly rejected at the state level — disguised as property tax relief. There are no guardrails to ensure the extra money would improve teacher pay or student achievement, they say.

Here’s a closer look at how Prop HH would affect school funding.

How are property taxes and school funding related?

Colorado funds its school with a mix of local property tax revenue and state funding that comes from income taxes, sales taxes, oil and gas revenue, and other sources. Colorado uses a formula to determine how much total funding each school district should get per student. Whatever local taxes don’t cover, state funding makes up the rest.

By limiting the taxable value of property, Proposition HH slows the growth in local revenue and increases the state obligation toward K-12 schools.

Out of a roughly $9 billion K-12 budget, legislative analysts estimate the state would owe school districts an extra $130 million this budget year under Proposition HH, an extra $310 million next year, and another $360 million in the 2025-26 school year.

How would Colorado backfill school district budgets?

Proposition HH would raise the cap on state government spending by 1% a year, allowing the state to keep and spend more money from existing taxes. Less money would be available for TABOR refunds going forward.

That retained revenue would backfill local government budgets. Lawmakers have pledged to hold school districts harmless, meaning they’ll get the same amount of money under Proposition HH as without it. Other local taxing districts, like fire and library districts, would get some backfill but not as much.

State analysts estimate Proposition HH would generate $125 million for schools in the 2024-25 budget year and up to $2.16 billion in the 2031-32 budget year. But the farther out the economic forecast goes, the more uncertainty there is.

Over time, the need for backfill would go down as property values continued to rise, and the state would have more money in the education fund. Depending on economic conditions, this money could allow Colorado to increase school funding or avoid cuts during a recession.

Would Proposition HH get rid of TABOR refunds?

Under current law, Colorado is set to return billions of dollars to taxpayers over the next several years, with higher earners getting larger refunds. Next year, budget analysts estimate taxpayers will receive between $586 and $1,834 depending on how much they earn.

Under Proposition HH, all taxpayers would receive a flat refund of $833 next year, but after that, the state would keep more of the excess money and refunds would be smaller.

Whether money is available for TABOR refunds would depend on economic conditions and how much revenue the state collects. That’s true today as well — some years, taxpayers don’t see any money back.

But under Proposition HH, as the state spending limits got higher, it would become more likely that taxpayers wouldn’t get refunds in the future.

Do Colorado schools need more funding?

Colorado’s school funding is below the national average, despite recent increases. Starting salaries in small rural districts are among the lowest in the nation, and even districts that have raised teacher pay haven’t kept up with the rising housing costs.

Amendment 23, approved by voters in 2000, requires that education funding increase each year at the rate of population growth plus inflation. But that hasn’t happened since 2008. When tax revenues plummeted during the Great Recession, lawmakers started diverting education money to other priorities. This withholding, known as the negative factor or the budget stabilization factor, has added up to more than $10 billion that never went to schools.

Even without Prop HH, Colorado is on track to eliminate the withholding next year. But with spending obligations linked to inflation, and potentially billions needing to be returned to taxpayers under current law, it’s unclear whether Colorado could sustain constitutionally required funding levels into the future. K-12 spending takes up more than a third of Colorado’s general fund, squeezing out other programs, including higher education.

Conservatives say the state could fund schools adequately if lawmakers just prioritized education. They question whether school districts are spending too much on administrative costs instead of paying teachers more.

Progressive education advocates say even meeting Amendment 23 requirements wouldn’t be enough. Adjusting for inflation, that would bring Colorado to 1989 funding levels, while schools today are expected to do a lot more, from providing advanced career and technical education to supporting students’ mental health.

Is Prop HH a property tax measure or a school funding measure?

Supporters have pitched Proposition HH as property tax relief. But back in May, then-Senate Majority Leader Dominick Moreno called it “a key piece of the solution” to decades of underfunding Colorado schools.

Education groups, including teachers unions and Education Reform Now Advocacy, are major backers of the property tax measure. The Colorado Association of School Boards has also come out in support.

“Any measure that tries to reduce property tax revenue has to account for what happens to school funding,” said Scott Wasserman, president of the left-leaning Bell Policy Center, which supports the measure. “Opponents try to act like a bait and switch. It’s not a bait and switch.”

Wasserman said doing nothing risks provoking a taxpayer backlash that could lead to even stricter limits on the growth of government that would hurt schools. Already, conservative activist Michael Fields has placed a 4% property tax cap on the ballot for 2024.

Along with Republican lawmakers and conservative activists, opponents include the Colorado Municipal League, the Colorado State Fire Chiefs, and the conservative education group Ready Colorado.

An analysis from the Common Sense Institute estimates an extra $9.6 billion would go to education over the next decade under Proposition HH. The analysis notes that school districts don’t have to use the money to raise teacher pay, and there’s no guarantee student outcomes will improve.

“I’ve been surprised to see how much money could be allocated to education without any guardrails,” said Kelly Caufield, the institute’s executive director.

The Common Sense Institute estimates 95% of additional state revenue would go to schools under Proposition HH. But lawmakers aren’t required to increase school funding above Amendment 23 requirements. Caufield said the money could end up freeing up general fund dollars to grow other programs.

Tracie Rainey of the Colorado School Finance Project doesn’t see Proposition HH as a school funding measure, just a way to mitigate the impact of property tax relief.

“If the economy stays strong and if we don’t have an economic downturn and if inflation isn’t running wild, then possibly, down the road, there could be additional dollars,” she said. “There’s a lot of ifs in there that make it hard to know.”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado’s expansion of high school diploma programs for adults hits a pothole

2023-10-12T22:16:34+00:00

Colorado lawmakers might soon consider how to fix an “oversight” preventing community colleges statewide from expanding adult high school diploma programs.

The issue, which involves the ability of colleges and school districts to collaborate on a graduation standard, puts the state’s expansion of adult high school diploma options in jeopardy. It also demonstrates how difficult it is for a state that was the last in the nation to fund adult education to actually help more adults get diplomas.

Of Colorado’s 4.5 million adults, more than 300,000 have no high school diploma. During this year’s legislative session, Democratic lawmakers prioritized bettering education for them. Advocates said this year’s law is supposed to give adult learners more options by allowing colleges to confer a diploma.

Senate Bill 7 — enacted this year to address adult education — increased how much the state spends, included digital literacy as a diploma prerequisite, and allowed community colleges to grant high school diplomas to adults. It also asked the colleges to work with local school districts to create diploma standards for adults.

But the counties that community colleges serve also contain many school districts, so picking a graduation standard became untenable, said Landon Pirius, vice chancellor for academic and student affairs for the Colorado Community College System.

“What we wanted was the college system to adopt a graduation standard as a system of community colleges, as opposed to each college picking one of their local district standards,” he said. “It was hard to manage and, frankly, we think it actually hurts the students.”

Colleges, school districts, and nonprofits offer adult education throughout the state. Before the law, community colleges would teach adults students, but only school districts could award them a diploma.

Colleges teach about a third of all adult education programs in the state. College leaders hope expanding adult high school programs would then help the students continue their schooling to earn a certificate or associates.

Originally, the bill asked colleges to set a diploma standard with the state. The bill was amended after Colorado Department of Education officials said there are no statewide adult high school diploma standards, said state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat who sponsored the bill. Diploma standards are left to school districts.

There was universal agreement in favor of the amendment to have colleges work with districts on a diploma, Zenzinger said.

The problem didn’t become apparent until after the bill was passed. College leaders worried they would have to craft diploma standards based on which region they served. They were also concerned about choosing one district to work with out of many, Pirius said.

Zenzinger wants to propose a change to the law during the 2024 legislative session. A solution hasn’t been figured out, but she said there’s widespread support to get the problem fixed in time for more grant money specified in the bill to come online.

“This was just an oversight in the language of the bill,” Zenzinger said.

Colorado was the last state in the nation to begin funding adult education when it created a grant program in 2014. Even with Senate Bill 7’s infusion of $2 million more a year for adult education programs — bringing the statewide total to $3 million — Colorado still funds its programs at some of the lowest levels in the country.

Paula Schriefer, president and CEO of the Spring Institute for Intercultural Learning, said there’s a huge need statewide for diploma and GED programs. The Spring Institute, which works with adults primarily on language acquisition, supported the bill.

Adults without a diploma tend to earn less than those who graduated high school, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. They also face higher rates of unemployment. About a third of adults without a high school diploma read at a sixth grade level, Zenzinger said.

The state has a small number of federally funded high school equivalency programs, Schriefer said. Schools such as Colorado Mountain College have started programs that support adults as they learn. Schriefer said she wants to see the law changed so community colleges, which have proven they can do the work to help adult learners, can get to educating Coloradans.

“We’d be fine with whatever they come up with,” Schriefer said. “We just want there to be multiple avenues through which our population here in Colorado can find an accessible way to get that credential.”

A Colorado grant aimed to increase access to advanced coursework. It is unclear how much it helped.

2023-08-30T15:55:00+00:00

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Something changed when Sierra High School started automatically enrolling more students in Advanced Placement courses.

The diverse high school in the Harrison district in Colorado Springs saw the demographics of advanced courses shift to better match the school. The students who were enrolled based on their past grades actually had higher average test scores on the AP exam than their classmates who had self-enrolled in the more rigorous courses.

And it changed how students saw themselves.

Principal Connor Beudoin said he’s heard students and parents say things like, “I didn’t know I was supposed to be in that class,” or “I didn’t think my kid would ever be in this class and here they are thriving.”

“It’s really shifting that mindset for students as far as capabilities,” Beudoin said.

Sierra in Colorado Springs is one of the recipients of a Colorado grant that started in 2019 and was designed to encourage more schools and districts to automatically enroll students in advanced coursework such as Advanced Placement courses, as a way to increase diversity and improve access. The grant also can be used for schools or districts to enroll more students in honors or other advanced-type courses, not just Advanced Placement.

Sierra received the grant in the second round of awards and used the money in the 2022-23 school year. At Sierra, the number of Advanced Placement courses offered increased from 15 to 17 with the grant, and included classes like chemistry, psychology, and computer science.

Beudoin said the work was about laying the foundation so the school could eventually enroll all students in pre-Advanced Placement courses. It involved training staff, identifying students who could automatically enroll in advanced courses, hosting tutoring sessions, and holding quarterly celebration dinners.

The outcomes at the Harrison high school are exactly what proponents of the grant wanted. But it’s unclear if the results were replicated at other participating schools across the state.

Colorado first handed out the grants in the 2019-20 school year just before the COVID pandemic started disrupting education. The next school year, the grant was paused, and though it resumed in the 2021-22 school year, the Colorado Department of Education didn’t require districts to report back on how they used the money or what changed for students. In some districts, staff turnover means no one is left who worked on the program, and at least one school that received money later closed.

Four schools and a school district received $187,659 total in the first year, two schools and two districts received $161,703.89 in the second round, and one school and four districts received funding in May to spend in the 2023-24 school year. To receive the grant, schools or districts just had to apply for the money. Only one applicant in the three rounds was turned down because of an incomplete application.

Whether the grant continues depends on legislators continuing to set aside the money for it.

Three schools in the Denver school district, George Washington, Kennedy, and Northfield, received the grant in the first year, and Kennedy received funding a second time, but district officials said the people who were involved in the original grant are “no longer with the district.” They said no one in the district could speak to that work.

Other districts that received funding did not respond to requests for comment.

This summer, schools that received funding in the second round were supposed to submit a report on how they used the money and its impact, but only one recipient has done so.

The Northeast Board of Cooperative Educational Services is a regional group consisting of 12 school districts. The group aimed to get all districts to adopt policies and guidelines for how to accelerate students who might be ready to move into advanced courses. Six of the 12 did. In the report, the Northeast BOCES identified some challenges for its rural schools, but said the grant enabled them to start planning for an expansion of advanced classes and to continue to build on that over the next few years.

One of the main challenges was being able to consistently offer advanced courses. Another challenge was teacher attitudes.

Teachers “believed students were not ready for accelerated instruction at the next grade level in spite of strong data because of their maturity, SEL [social emotional learning] needs, or having achievement at ’only’ the 88th percentile instead of 95th percentile,” their report states. “This truly highlights the need we have within our BOCES to do BOCES-wide professional development around advanced education and student needs. Again, this is a start of a conversation — but time will be needed to reiterate research-based information and offer that type of training.”

Alena Barczak, the state’s program and high school equivalency support administrator, said the participating BOCES schools increased the number of students in advanced courses and the percentage of students of color who participated.

She said Hispanic student representation in advanced classes at the BOCES schools went from 7% to 10% after receiving the grant. Students who were eligible for free or reduced-price lunch increased from 8% of the students in the courses to 20%. The Hispanic student population in the BOCES districts ranges from 6% to 53%.

“This is really the only grant program that we have that really focuses on access for students to advanced courses,” Barczak said. “It’s really key. I’ve been really happy to see the legislature keeps funding it. It’s the only program like it.”

Colorado Sen. Janet Buckner, an Aurora Democrat and a sponsor of the law to create the grants, said she’s heard that the program is working. “I have spoken to many students over the last couple of years who benefitted from this important program,” she said in an emailed statement.

Statewide, Colorado does not track the demographics of students enrolled in Advanced Placement courses. It used to track some data — but only for districts that volunteered the information. The state is preparing to include some advanced coursework data in school performance ratings, but it’s not ready yet.

The data they’re preparing to include in information-only reports in January won’t be broken out by student groups.

The College Board, the organization that runs the courses, does track enrollment demographics at the district level but refused to share the data publicly. They did share some statewide data.

Based on the demographics of students who took an Advanced Placement test in 2022, Black students in Colorado had higher participation compared to Black students nationally, but Hispanic students in Colorado had lower participation than their national counterparts. Colorado’s gap between the participation rate for white students and Hispanic students is larger than the national average.

The number of Latino students participating in AP nationally increased 83% from 2012 to 2022, according to the College Board reports. As a result, 16% of Latino students in grades 10, 11, and 12 participated in the advanced classes in 2022. In Colorado, just 13% of Latino students participated in AP in 2022.

According to data provided by Denver Public Schools, the three schools that received funding from the grant, had both Hispanic and Black students largely underrepresented in Advanced Placement courses at the time they received the grant in 2019-20. Black students represented 10% of students in AP classes in the three schools while Black students made up 15.8% of the population. Hispanic students made up 35.8% of their Advanced Placement students at the three Denver schools, while they made up more than 46% of all students in the schools.

Even at Sierra High School, after the grant money helped improve the representation of students taking Advanced Placement courses, Hispanic students remained slightly underrepresented.

In 2022-23, about 52.9% of students in the courses were Hispanic, up from 49.6% the year before. More than 54% of the school’s students identified as Hispanic. In the same year, Black student representation improved to 22.9%, compared to the 19.7% of students schoolwide who identify as Black.

Sierra principal Beudoin said the work will take time, but he said he hopes to eventually see that all students take rigorous coursework, and that it translates into higher academic achievement on state tests and other outcomes.

He said, “it was not just placing students in these classes and saying good luck.”

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

Fact-checking Gov. Polis’ statements on universal preschool and full-day classes

2023-08-16T00:14:45+00:00

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Thousands of Colorado families believed their 4-year-olds would get tuition-free full-day preschool through Colorado’s new universal preschool program. In July, they found out it wasn’t true.

The state didn’t have enough money for every child from a low-income family or with another risk factor to get full-day classes. Instead, only a fraction of them — those with low-income status and a second risk factor — would get the longer school day at no cost to their families. The rest had to come up with the extra tuition money themselves, drop down to a half-day program, or bow out altogether.

It was a blow to families, but also a blow to the $330 million universal preschool program that Gov. Jared Polis has made a signature priority of his tenure. For months, critics have charged that the program’s rollout has been rushed, messy, and confusing.

In a recent interview with 9News reporter Marshall Zelinger, Polis tried to explain why some children with risk factors wouldn’t get the 30 hours a week their families thought they were promised.

He provided a variety of answers: There’s not enough space. Families seeking full-day classes just want child care. Half-day preschool is better for kids.

So, what’s true?

Chalkbeat fact-checked some of the claims Polis made about universal preschool. Here’s what we found.

Is there enough space?

What Gov. Polis said: “There’s nothing even close to the space for full-day preschool.”

Fact check: This is partially true, but misleading. There are more than 24,000 full-day seats offered by Colorado’s universal preschool providers this year, according to April numbers from the state’s Department of Early Childhood. That’s more than enough for the more than 14,000 4-year-olds who have at least one risk factor and whose families were initially told their children would be eligible for tuition-free full-day classes.

The reason many of those 14,000 children are not being offered full-day preschool as their families expected is because the state doesn’t have enough money, not because it doesn’t have enough space. In some cases, full-day classes may be unavailable in a particular preschool or community, but on a statewide basis there are full-day seats available.

Polis is correct that there’s not enough physical space for full-day preschool for every 4-year-old who will participate in the universal program this year — more than 30,000 kids — but that was never the plan to begin with.

Child care vs. preschool

What Gov. Polis said: “Are you saying you want to pick your kid up at 2:30? Or five, right? If they say 2:30, then they’re in it for the full-day preschool because they value that academic experience. If they’re saying five, because I work and I can’t pick up my kid until five, they need a child care solution.”

Fact check: This is misleading. Polis’ comments suggest that parents wanted something out of universal preschool that wasn’t being offered, namely child care. But the state has long planned to offer full-day preschool hours to some families, clearly stating that in the application and other messaging. In some cases, the Colorado Department of Early Childhood, which is running the new program, even used the word “care” to describe the extra hours of preschool. (On Facebook, for example.)

Finally, giving children educationally enriching experiences and supervising them while parents work aren’t mutually exclusive. It’s also worth noting that preschool classrooms, like infant and toddler classrooms, are governed by state child care rules — so in that sense, preschool is child care.

Is half-day preschool best?

What Gov. Polis said: “This is a half-day universal preschool program. That’s what the voters approved. It’s also developmentally appropriate. Kids benefit the most in that 15-to-20-hour range.”

Fact check: Not necessarily. A 2019 experimental study of preschoolers in the Westminster district north of Denver found that full-day students outperformed half-day students in early literacy, math, physical, and socioemotional development. Full-day students attended for 30 hours a week and half-day students attended for 12 hours a week.

The study was particularly notable because it used gold-standard methodology, with students randomly assigned to full-day or half-day classes. The authors, including Allison Atteberry, who was then at the University of Colorado Boulder, concluded that the study provided compelling evidence “that a full-day, full-week preschool supports young children’s development, at least among a sample of primarily low-income, Latinx children.”

Is universal preschool high-quality?

What Gov. Polis said: “We are funding high-quality preschool.”

Fact check: This is not true. While many participating preschools may offer high-caliber programming, state officials are not requiring providers to meet any particular quality standards during the program’s first year. All providers must meet basic health and safety standards, but those have long been necessary to get a state child care license. The state told providers in April to “keep doing what you’re doing,” and said rules on quality will be added for the 2024-25 school year.

Experts say preschool can produce short- and long-term benefits for kids, but only if it’s high quality. Class-size limits, staff credentials, teacher training requirements, and curriculum choice are often among the criteria used to measure preschool quality.

The universal preschool program has already backed away from class-size rules used in Colorado’s previous targeted preschool program, which was for students with risk factors. The targeted program, which ended in June, capped class sizes at 16 children, while the universal preschool program will allow classes of up to 24.

Elementary students get the same hours. Should preschoolers?

What Gov. Polis said: “I view preschool much like I view first grade, second grade, third grade, fourth grade. We don’t give more fourth grade hours to low-income families.”

Fact check: This is misleading. It may be true that fourth graders from low-income households don’t get extra hours of school, but they already get six or seven hours of class a day.

Since the inception of Colorado’s universal preschool program, state leaders have talked about giving students with the highest needs more preschool to help them get ready for kindergarten. The 2022 law creating universal preschool says to ensure equity, the state “must” invest in extra preschool for children in low-income families. As details of the new program unfolded last year, state officials spelled out what that additional programming would entail: 15 extra hours a week, for a total of 30.

Colorado has long made a point to provide extra help to children who face barriers to educational success — providing extra funding to their schools or direct support to their families. In fact, until the universal preschool program launched this month, Colorado’s publicly funded preschool program targeted only students from low-income families or who had other risk factors. In short, the state recognizes that some kids need more help than others and routinely crafts policy based on that distinction.

Letter informing parents their children won’t get tuition-free full-day preschool

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado lawmaker wants to ban seclusion rooms in schools as Denver investigation continues

2023-08-08T00:14:42+00:00

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A Colorado lawmaker wants to ban the use of seclusion rooms in schools statewide in the wake of allegations that a well-regarded Denver middle school maintained a room that locked from the outside where children having behavioral issues were left alone.

“Our students are here to receive a high-quality education, and they deserve not to be incarcerated,” said state Rep. Regina English, a Colorado Springs Democrat who also serves on the Harrison School District 2 board. “So these seclusion rooms, that’s going to be a no-go across the state of Colorado.”

Meanwhile, a district investigation continues into the use of a seclusion room at McAuliffe International School, the same school where longtime principal Kurt Dennis was fired earlier this summer after speaking with 9 News about safety concerns. Interim Principal Micah Klaver also has been placed on paid administrative leave, district officials confirmed.

State law allows educators to shut students inside of rooms, a practice known as seclusion, in certain extreme situations, but Denver district policy bans these rooms. Many Denver schools have what the district calls de-escalation rooms. District policy requires that an adult remain in the room with a student and that the door remain unlocked.

Denver Superintendent Alex Marrero said the district would retrain all staff at McAuliffe International School on district policy and appropriate de-escalation techniques before students return to classrooms later this month.

Dennis was fired after he spoke publicly about being required to keep a student accused of attempted murder in class instead of moving him to online classes or an alternative school. Many parents have rallied to Dennis’ cause and demanded that he be reinstated, and some Denver educators said his firing is having a chilling effect on other school leaders and teachers.

District officials said Dennis was fired not because he criticized the district publicly but because he shared personal information about a student. His termination letter also noted a number of accusations that he treated students with disabilities unfairly.

Last week, Denver school board members Auon’tai Anderson and Scott Esserman said an anonymous whistleblower who works at the school told them about the seclusion room, known among staff as an “incarceration room,” and shared pictures of walls with holes punched in them and an exterior lock on the door. They said staff described children being dragged kicking and screaming into the room and being left there alone for long periods of time.

Anderson said the district is aware of three students locked in the room, all of them Black. Fighting back emotion, school board member Michelle Quattlebaum said students should never be placed in conditions that “mimic incarceration.”

David Lane, Dennis’ attorney, told the Denver Post last week that Dennis did place a lock on the door in an effort to keep both students and staff safe and that he removed the lock when district officials told him to. Lane said Dennis never received any guidance about use of the seclusion room.

Anderson said Monday he does not know the identity of the whistleblower and that person is not cooperating with investigators because they fear retaliation if their identity is discovered. However, other McAuliffe staff are cooperating, he said, and the investigation is moving forward.

The Denver principals union has filed a grievance on behalf of multiple school leaders related to how the district is handling the investigation, with elected officials bringing forward the complaint and holding press conferences before the investigation is concluded.

“We are concerned that the current public discourse is not only having a deleterious impact on the school communities but possible severe reputational harm for multiple leaders,” reads the grievance letter from the Denver School Leaders Association, which also notes that district policies call for confidentiality around personnel matters and for employees accused of wrong-doing to have access to a fair process.

Colorado law allows children to be placed in seclusion rooms if they’re a danger to themselves or others.

Advocates have long criticized the practice as profoundly traumatic for children and counterproductive to teaching children better coping skills. The children who are placed in these rooms often have been through traumatic events or have disabilities that affect how they regulate emotions. Advocates argue that with better training and different attitudes, classroom teachers and aides can head off challenging behavior before it turns into a crisis.

Pam Bisceglia, executive director of Advocacy Denver, which supports students with disabilities and their families, said she has filed many complaints over the years regarding McAuliffe, and the district has promised to train staff before, yet she has seen little change in the culture. She has asked the Colorado Department of Education to do its own investigation into the seclusion room at McAuliffe.

Bisceglia said she has seen rooms in other Denver schools with soft lighting, bean bag chairs, and pillows where students can calm down. But on a tour of a district-run facility school in a suburban district, she saw a child locked in a room, crying, while an adult watched, silent, through a small window.

“When they showed us the room, you could tell how tall the tallest student was because the paint was scratched from that point down,” she said.

A new law passed last year requires that seclusion rooms have a window or other way for an adult to keep eyes on the child and that the room be a dedicated space free from hazards. Schools can no longer lock children in broom closets or offices.

A 2020 Chalkbeat investigation found a wide range of practices among Colorado districts and limited state oversight. Districts were essentially policing themselves, and parents were sometimes kept in the dark about what happened to their children. Since then, lawmakers have added new reporting requirements alongside the seclusion room regulations. And the Colorado Department of Education gained new enforcement authority for when its investigators find violations.

School districts argued against these regulations, saying they didn’t want to overburden special education staff with even more paperwork and that seclusion rooms were used as a last resort but an important one to keep all children safe.

English, who is Black, said she was “appalled and disgusted” to learn of the allegations, especially because the children involved “look like me.” In districts around the state, Black children are also more likely to be suspended, expelled, ticketed, and arrested when compared with their white peers.

“They are not caged animals, and I will not allow them to be treated as such,” English said.

Bisceglia said she supports a statewide ban because students should have the same protections around the state and because it would represent a clear statement of values.

Bret Miles, executive director of the Colorado Association of School Executives, said he wants to work closely with lawmakers to explain the “incredible burden” that principals have to keep all students safe, as well as the different circumstances and resources districts experience.

English said she was willing to work with school districts to make sure legislation allows for dedicated rooms where students can calm down or not hurt themselves or others. But she would not “backpedal” on banning seclusion rooms. She noted that Colorado banned corporal punishment this year.

“When these things take place,” she said, “there needs to be an adult in that room with them, not just locking a child up and saying, ‘Figure it out, cry yourself to sleep.’ That’s a no-go.”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

No FAFSA push this year, but Colorado advocates plan for future action

2023-06-08T23:35:32+00:00

Colorado made no legislative progress toward getting students more support to complete the federal financial aid application despite a recommendation last year that the state do so.

A Colorado report last year called for the state to make filling out the Federal Application for Federal Student Aid, or the FAFSA, a high school graduation requirement by 2025, with a goal to get 80% of students completing the form by 2026. Filling out the form increases the likelihood that students will attend college, studies show.

Despite the inaction this session, advocates of a Colorado requirement for high school students to complete the federal financial aid application before graduation expect to make a push for future changes after taking a wait-and-see approach this year.

Many advocates believe requiring students to fill out the FAFSA would be an effective strategy for Colorado to increase the number of students who go to college after high school. Studies have shown that Louisiana, the first to enact a FAFSA graduation requirement, increased college-going among students. Efforts in other states are still new.

In Colorado, legislators have hesitated to place one more burden on high school educators.

Advocate Sarah Staron said lawmakers, along with school officials, discussed how a graduation requirement might work but didn’t introduce legislation.

So advocates of mandating FAFSA completion focused on addressing the concerns they heard.

“I felt like we needed to step back,” said Staron, policy coordinator for Young Invincibles, which works toward giving students a voice in policy debates.

Less than 50% of Colorado high school graduates go to college. Advocates have said increasing Colorado’s ranking near the bottom of FAFSA completion would open up more opportunities for students. The form unlocks financial aid and scholarships for college.

The National College Attainment Network has recognized Colorado for seeking more transparency around which school districts help students complete the form. Advocates also have applauded the state for setting the 80% completion goal. The state has reported that every year Colorado students leave about $30 million in federal financial aid unclaimed.

Colorado has sought to boost FAFSA completion in other ways.

Last year, the state created grants for districts to increase FAFSA completion, but only a handful of districts applied, Staron said. Despite offering more financial literacy for students, training for teachers, and financial aid planning for students, the state’s FAFSA completion rate remained at about 45%.

The state’s teacher union said there are reasons to be cautious about a push to mandate FAFSA completion.

The Colorado Education Association said it wants to discuss issues such as whether the requirement would burden teachers and students, raise privacy issues, and favor four-year colleges over other options, union President Amie Baca-Oehlert said.

In the upcoming FAFSA cycle, the federal government will launch an application that’s intended to be easier for students to fill out. The new form, however, will be released in December instead of the previous schedule of October, narrowing the window to complete the form.

Financial aid experts expect the form will have unintended consequences, especially for students whose families own farms or small businesses, but eventually will lead to a better student experience and outcome.

“With the streamlined FAFSA form, our hope is that completion rates go up because it’s easier for students and families to navigate the process. But I certainly think Colorado needs to do more,” said Jen Walmer, whose organization Democrats for Education Reform contributed to the report.

Amelia Federico, a Young Invincibles policy fellow who attends Metropolitan State University of Denver, said the FAFSA process is overly confusing and students often have little support to fill out the support despite there being some resources at schools.

Federico said a FAFSA completion requirement for high schoolers would ensure that educators focus on giving students the support they need to fill out the complicated form. The state would also need to support schools to ensure every student gets what they need, they said.

Too many of their peers don’t know about their financial options, Federico said.

$9 billion Colorado education budget signed, but still doesn’t meet obligations for full funding

2023-05-16T00:02:49+00:00

Gov. Jared Polis on Monday signed into law Colorado’s school finance act, laying the path toward eliminating a state practice used since the Great Recession that holds back money from schools.

In the 2023-24 school year, the state will spend more than $9 billion on education and withhold $141 million from schools. Statewide, spending per student next year will increase to $10,614, $1,000 more per student than this year.

The school finance bill also will fund state-authorized charter schools at a level similar to other schools starting in 2023-24, adding more than $42 million for those schools. State-authorized charter schools don’t get a cut of locally raised tax dollars as district schools do.

Rural schools will get $30 million more to help with their higher costs related to smaller student populations. Colorado rural schools have gotten similar state aid since 2017.

Polis, surrounded by lawmakers, educators, and students at Thornton Elementary School, also signed two bills on Monday that will boost special education funding and provide statewide support for math instruction.

Together, the bills represent a significant investment in K-12 education statewide and a promise to fully meet the constitutionally set minimum for education spending by the 2024-25 school year.

Colorado Gov. Jared Polis sits ready to sign the 2023 school finance bill as Lt. Gov. Diane Primavera stands behind him and state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat, talks about the bill on Monday at Thornton Elementary School.

Polis said the school finance bill means a stronger education system for Colorado, including better teacher pay, smaller class sizes, and more funding for the arts.

“We are catching up to where we should be for all public schools next year, and that’s very exciting news for Colorado kids,” he said during the bill signing.

Since 2009, lawmakers have diverted money that should go to K-12 schools to fund other priorities, a practice known as the Budget Stabilization Factor. This year’s school finance law, however, aims to eliminate that practice by the next budget year. The state has withheld over $10 billion from schools since 2009.

The constitution requires Colorado to increase funding yearly by the rate of student population growth plus inflation. The state withholding, however, has meant schools haven’t gotten what’s required by its school finance formula.

State Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat who chairs the Joint Budget Committee that helps craft the budget and school finance act, said the state will also meet its obligation to fully fund its share of special education.

The state will spend $40.2 million more next year on special education, increasing total spending to about $340 million, or a 13% increase.

Polis also signed a bill that will invest more in teaching math after state and national tests showed students lost ground in that subject during the pandemic. The state will spend $25 million via three-year grants for after-school math tutoring programs that will be run by school districts, charter schools, and community groups.

The bill also will provide optional training for teachers and parents, offer evidence-based resources for math programs, and require teacher preparation programs to train prospective educators in math instruction.

Zenzinger said now that the state is on track to fully fund schools within the next budget cycle, she wants lawmakers to rethink what it costs to fully educate a student.

“It’s going to be really, really important that once we have established full funding, whether that is then adequate,” Zenzinger said.

How Colorado is filling gaps for its ‘most vulnerable’ children as last-resort schools dwindle

2023-05-14T11:00:00+00:00

Help is finally coming to Colorado’s facility schools, which often serve as a last resort for some of the state’s most vulnerable students.

A new state law will cut red tape and boost funding for the collapsing system, which serves children with intense behavioral, mental health or special education needs. The law also aims to train local teachers and staff, especially in rural areas, to serve such students closer to home.

While experts are hopeful, they acknowledged it won’t entirely fix the problems that led 50 privately run facility schools to close in the past 20 years, leaving just 30 open today.

“It’s a huge, complex system, and it’d be naive to think one piece of legislation is going to fix everything,” said Paul Foster, the executive director of exceptional student services for the Colorado Department of Education. “But the legislation is trying to take that into account.”

Lawmakers hope to see 12 new schools open in the next three years. But some of the likeliest candidates to become facility schools — small private programs that already serve students with disabilities — have said they’re not interested.

Meanwhile, public school districts have been starting programs of their own. But the new legislation does little to support these “missing middle” programs. The leader of one regional consortium said the state should be funneling money to them instead.

In a state that has long underfunded both education and behavioral health, there are gaps everywhere and no shortage of work to be done. However, there are also models, here and elsewhere, that point toward a better way to serve what can be a forgotten population.

New rules make it easier to form facility schools

The Learning Zone is a small specialized school in Littleton for nonverbal students. It’s in the process of becoming a facility school. It’s also a case study in how an irrelevant layer of bureaucracy can slow down that process — something the new law aims to fix.

Until now, specialized private programs had to become licensed day treatment facilities through the state Department of Human Services before the Colorado Department of Education could approve them as facility schools. The new law eliminates that first hurdle.

The Learning Zone teaches students who have rare genetic disorders and other disabilities to use devices that allow them to communicate by pushing buttons that convey words or phrases. It’s been a game changer for students who are often left behind in public schools.

“Some went from not reading to first-grade reading levels within nine months of being here,” said Amanda Attreau, executive director of Real Life Colorado, the nonprofit that runs The Learning Zone. “They actually get invited to birthday parties that are for their actual friends.”

But when The Learning Zone sought licensing as a day treatment center, it was subjected to a checklist of safety requirements and psychological goals geared toward an entirely different population: students with mental health issues and trauma.

“We had to become a day treatment even though all of the requirements of a day treatment don’t apply to our school or our population of learners at all,” Attreau said.

“You’re needing to check a thousand boxes for part one just to get to part two, even though the second box is the one that makes sense for you.”

Getting approval is important because school districts are more likely to pay for state-approved programs. However, the process was onerous enough that advisers suggested The Learning Zone wait for the new law to take effect. But Attreu feared losing students and money.

Districts that had been willing to pay part of The Learning Zone’s $60,000 tuition when it started as an alternative to remote school in 2020 had become “antsy,” Attreau said, and given The Learning Zone an ultimatum: become a legitimate school or we’ll take our students back.

“We don’t want the services we are offering to be limited to the people who are wealthy and elite and capable of paying for this,” Attreau said.

Third Way Center’s Joan Farley Academy, a facility school in Denver, tries to create a supportive environment for teens coming out of youth corrections and the foster system.

Not all private programs want to become facility schools

While state approval can be a powerful incentive, not all private programs say they want or need it.

School districts that once balked at the $96,000 annual cost for Firefly Autism in Lakewood are now more likely to pay, even though it’s not a facility school, said President and CEO Amanda Kelly. That could be due to a 2017 U.S. Supreme Court ruling. The high court found the Douglas County School District, which was refusing to pay for a student to attend Firefly, violated that student’s right to an education. It could also be due to Firefly’s 20-year track record.

“We have such a brilliant relationship with our districts,” Kelly said, adding that Firefly has students from 14 different districts. “I think that’s trust built over time.”

And Firefly doesn’t want to become a facility school, in part because it doesn’t see itself as a school. It doesn’t have teachers or students. Instead, the 42 children and young adults who spend their days there — who range in age from 3 to 21 and have a combination of autism and intellectual disabilities — are called “learners.”

They work one-on-one with certified behavior experts to learn life skills, chief among them how to communicate and advocate for their needs. Firefly is a day treatment program, but to become a facility school, it would have to hire teachers and a special education director and follow a curriculum aligned to state academic standards.

“To make such a massive change, we just don’t know if that’s what Firefly should do,” Kelly said.

Humanex Academy, a private middle and high school in Englewood, has another reason for not wanting to become a facility school. The leaders at Humanex, which serves neurodiverse students with autism, ADHD, and other disabilities, disagree with the goal of facility schools, which is to teach students the skills they need to return to public school.

“We didn’t want districts to say, ‘How soon can you fix them and give them back to us?’” Principal Kati Cahill said. “I always was a proponent of public education. But unfortunately the existing system isn’t set up to meet the needs of these kids.”

Students attend class at Third Way Center’s Joan Farley Academy in Denver.

School districts filling the gaps with their own programs

Boards of Cooperative Educational Services, or BOCES, are regional associations of school districts that pool resources to provide a service they would not be able to alone.

Sandy Malouff is the executive director and special education director for the Santa Fe Trail BOCES, which serves six rural school districts in southeastern Colorado. Malouff started a day treatment program years ago because metro Denver facility schools were too far away, and students who did attend those schools often struggled to transition when they returned home.

The Southeast Alternative Learning Academy in La Junta serves students as far as 70 miles away. Over the past five years, about 30% of students have gone back to their local schools.

Malouff based her program on the Pikes Peak BOCES School of Excellence, which serves students who would likely need a facility school from more than a dozen districts around Colorado Springs.

Executive Director Pat Bershinsky said most districts would rather send their students to the School of Excellence “because they still have a connection to that kid. The kid’s not just put in a facility somewhere and forgotten about.”

In addition to the main location in Colorado Springs, a satellite location in the tiny town of Calhan puts services within reach for rural families. One student, Bershinsky said, had previously spent about four hours in a car every day going from Limon to a facility school in Denver. Calhan is less than an hour from Limon.

Bershinsky said lawmakers should have directed money to rural BOCES so they can “stand up their own programs like I have.”

Many metro area districts also have separate schools for students who struggle with behavior. In the Cherry Creek School District in suburban Denver, the Joliet Learning Center is often students’ last stop before going to a facility school or their first stop when they transition back, said Tony Poole, the district’s assistant superintendent of special populations.

But Cherry Creek is going further. Using $14 million in voter-approved bonds and $1.5 million of federal funding, the district is building its own treatment program that officials say is unlike any other.

Traverse Academy is set to open this fall.

Traverse Academy will serve 60 students in fourth through 12th grade in three separate wings: one for kids in mental health crises that will be heavy on therapy and light on academics, another for students with moderate needs that will balance the two, and yet another for students getting ready to transition back to their home schools.

Children’s Hospital Colorado and the University of Colorado Department of Psychiatry will provide clinicians to work alongside the educators.

Opening Traverse Academy this fall won’t eliminate the need for facility schools, Poole said, but he hopes it will alleviate some of the pressure, especially for students who are suicidal.

“With the closure of these facilities, we just have more kids in crisis who are left with no option,” Poole said. “It means we have kids in significant crisis walking our hallways every day.”

A student writes answers on a worksheet during science class at the Hilltop Day Treatment, a facility school in Grand Junction. Facility schools seek to balance academics and therapy.

Advocates want more inclusion, not just more institutions

Some advocates say the real solution lies with helping public schools support students in traditional classrooms, not in creating more separate programs.

“When you build it, they will come,” said Diane Smith Howard, an attorney with the National Disability Rights Network. “What we have learned is: Anytime you create a program, the slots get filled. And they don’t necessarily get filled with kids who want to be there.”

In California, the CHIME Institute’s Schwarzenegger Community School in the Los Angeles area has been so successful at educating students with disabilities alongside peers without disabilities that CHIME staff provide technical assistance to schools and districts across the state.

If Executive Director Erin Studer could give advice to Colorado, it would be to fund model schools, “those bright spots of practice” that other educators can visit and observe, alongside a technical assistance center.

When students do go to specialized settings, supporting transitions back to their home school is critical. Teachers at Brook Valley South in Nebraska show teachers at students’ home schools how to carefully track behavior through the day and watch for patterns.

Teacher Carrie Fairbairn recalled one student who would run up and down the aisle of the bus badgering other students until they assigned him a seat behind the talkative driver who chatted the whole way to school.

“Lo and behold,” Fairbairn said. “Zero bus issues.”

“Sometimes folks are so quick to see that label on a kid: [emotional disability] or behavior disorder,” she added. “And you’re like, ‘move his seat.’”

Artwork decorates the walls at Skyline Academy, a facility school in Denver. The school tries to help children build social and emotional skills.

‘There’s nothing wrong with kids’

The story of Jack, a fourth-grader with autism, shows how short staffing in public schools can set off a spiral that requires more significant intervention. It also shows how tenuous progress can be and how critical it is to have a range of options.

Not long before Denver Public Schools recommended a facility school for Jack, his special education team thought he was doing so well in a separate classroom they wanted him to start going to the traditional classroom for math, his mother said.

But Jack’s elementary school didn’t have a one-on-one aide to shadow him, and the plan never happened. Disappointed, Jack returned to behaviors he’d mostly overcome: running away from school or refusing to go inside at all.

His mother, Heidi Laursen, lost her job — and her family’s health insurance — because she spent so much time trying to coax him through the schoolhouse door. The school called the police when Jack pulled a paper towel dispenser off the wall.

All last summer, Jack’s family thought he was on a waitlist for a facility school.

Instead, the Friday afternoon before school was supposed to start, Laursen said she got a call saying Jack would have to go back to the separate classroom at his old elementary school — the place that was short-staffed, that had called the police on him, and where Jack spent most of his time with the patient art teacher instead of learning.

“I couldn’t send him back to the school he had been running away from,” Laursen said.

So the family transferred Jack to Boulder, where his father lives. He was placed at Halcyon School run by the Boulder Valley School District.

Principal Matt Dudek describes Halcyon as a small, safe space for students who might otherwise turn their frustrations outward or bottle them up to learn skills to manage overwhelming settings — like a traditional public school with hundreds of peers.

“We don’t fix kids,” Dudek said. “There’s nothing wrong with kids.”

The average stay at Halcyon is about a year. In 15 years, Dudek said he’s only referred one student to a facility school.

Jack’s fourth grade year has gone well, his mother said. Now 10, Jack has earned Matchbox cars and tiny Tech Deck finger skateboards for good behavior. When he’s overwhelmed, he has a “safe tree” outside where he can go, shadowed by a watchful staff member, until he’s ready to return to class.

Jack was doing so well that his team began talking about transitioning him back to a larger public school. Perhaps remembering the disappointment last time, Jack began acting out again, his mother said, running away or refusing to go into the building.

“In the end, we decided that maybe he wasn’t ready to transition, because of the behavior he was showing,” Laursen said. “Maybe he needs more time to feel safe.”

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Rae Ellen Bichell is a reporter with KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN). Contact Rae at RaeB@kff.org.

Colorado is pouring more money into schools for kids with behavioral health issues and disabilities, but are they helping?

2023-05-13T11:00:00+00:00

Colorado is doubling the funding next year for schools that enroll students whose mental health or medical needs are too intense for regular schools to handle, calling for 12 new schools to open within the next three years.

The number of these specialized schools, which operate as day centers or are part of residential treatment facilities or hospitals, has fallen over the past two decades to 30 from 80. They offer a combination of therapy and academics in an effort to stabilize thousands of students a year so they can return to their home schools.

But even as the state attempts to shore up a system that’s been sapped by staff shortages, inadequate state funding and other challenges, it is nearly impossible for parents and other members of the public to get answers to a fundamental question: Are students enrolled in the schools safe and learning?

Facility schools are intended to act as temporary programs of last resort to stabilize students so they can successfully return to their home schools. Yet, the state does not keep track of how many students return to regular school or how many eventually graduate.

The state requires facility school students to take its standardized tests, but does not provide individual school results, citing student privacy because the classes are so small.

The schools exist at the intersection of the educational, mental health, and juvenile justice systems. Multiple state agencies are responsible for monitoring the schools, but those visits in some cases happen only every two years and reports from the state education and human services departments aren’t readily available to the public. The Colorado Sun and Chalkbeat Colorado filed multiple requests under public records laws to receive reports, some of which were redacted, that offer a glimpse into the facility school environment.

Maintaining separate schools for children who act out aggressively, frequently run from school, or have severe medical or intellectual needs is controversial, with some parents and disability rights advocates questioning whether they are holding centers for kids with behavior problems. It’s clear Colorado needs more facility schools to accommodate the growing number of children with behavioral health struggles, but advocates also want enough information to ensure kids are safe and learning.

Facility schools offer a mix of academics and therapy. The goal is for children to stabilize enough to return to traditional classrooms.

‘We don’t really have a choice but to make them better’

The prime sponsor of the new law that will pour an additional $18 million into facility schools next year, increasing their funding by 2.6 times what’s in current law, agrees that Colorado needs more data about whether facility schools are working.

Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and chair of the Joint Budget Committee, hopes her legislation will force the various state agencies that oversee the schools to cooperate and report better data on outcomes within a few years. It also requires that schools earn accreditation in order to receive state funding through the new law.

“There are some facilities where we do question whether they are simply warehousing kids and whether they offer good programming,” said Pamela Bisceglia, executive director of Advocacy Denver, which speaks up for Denver Public Schools children with special needs. She has visited several facility schools over the years with parents who are deciding where to place their children. Some are clean, calm, and excelling at teaching children, she said. And some are not.

Bisceglia recalled visiting one Denver school where children ages 5-17 were all in the same room, some lying on the floor, no one interacting with each other, while several staff members in the room were scrolling on their phones.

“They were simply trying to keep them from hurting themselves or others,” she said. “There wasn’t any learning going on. There wasn’t any individualized therapy.”

“Sometimes it’s a moving target for them to try to meet to get back into that neighborhood school. Sometimes they just never learn the skills that the school feels that they need.”

The Arc Pikes Peak Region believes all children should attend their neighborhood schools rather than facility schools where they end up cut off from their peers, said Connie McKenzie, an advocate for children with disabilities. If children do end up in a facility school, their time there should be temporary, with the goal that they will gain skills so they can return to their neighborhood school.

“In actuality, I don’t think that happens as often as anyone would like,” McKenzie said. “In my experience, a lot of times when kids are sent to facility schools, they never return to their neighborhood schools. Sometimes it’s a moving target for them to try to meet to get back into that neighborhood school. Sometimes they just never learn the skills that the school feels that they need.”

Maureen Welch, a member of a task force that studied facility schools for the past year and whose son attended one, said Colorado needs “a lot of light and sunshine” to illuminate the process of approving facility schools in the next few years. She wants to make sure the state is bringing in quality programs ranging from small, neighborhood startups that serve a handful of students with related issues, to large, national operations.

“We need to actually have them learn and move forward,” Welch said. “Yes, it’s expensive, but we don’t really have a choice but to make them better. What are we going to do? Put these kids in the correctional system? There is no place to put them because there are not institutions anymore. We will always have a population of kids that can’t be served in a public school district situation.”

Under the new law, schools must receive accreditation based on recommendations from the state facility school board, a panel created in 2008. Board chairperson Steven Ramirez did not return multiple requests for comment from The Colorado Sun and its partners.

The Office of Facility Schools, within the Colorado Department of Education, pushed back on the characterization that facility schools are just a place to keep kids that school districts don’t want to deal with anymore.

“Are there facilities somewhere out there that exist that maybe aren’t being as effective as they need to be or warehousing kids? I don’t think we can eliminate that as a possibility,” said Paul Foster, the executive director of exceptional student services for the education department. “I think we can pretty safely say if they’re in our facility school system, that that’s not the case.”

If it were the case, he said, monitoring visits by the department would have turned up “serious or even egregious” violations instead of the more pedestrian problems that they more commonly find.

Skyline Academy is operating under capacity because some children have needs beyond what the Denver facility school can manage.

Facility schools are not rated based on their test scores in the same way that traditional public schools are, Foster said. While students at facility schools are required to take state standardized tests, state officials take into account that students have “unique and pretty significant needs — and that’s why they’re in a facility school setting,” Foster said.

Callan Ware, the executive director of student services for Englewood Schools, a small district south of Denver, said that when she sends a student to a facility school, it’s because their behavior is so dysregulated — they’re skipping class, getting kicked out, or harming themselves — that they struggle to concentrate and learn.

“While we do absolutely have academic expectations of facility schools, the No. 1 goal is, let’s learn the skills you need to be successful in a public setting,” Ware said.

She recalled one student who struggled with boundaries and impulsiveness and who routinely got sent home from public school for touching other students in class. After less than a year of daily therapy in a facility school, the student “totally turned it around,” she said. His engagement in academic tasks skyrocketed and when he returned to public school, “we could see the kind of student he could be because he wasn’t getting kicked out of class all the time.”

Human services reports reveal safety issues involving cleaning chemicals, restraints

The job of ensuring students are safe and getting a quality education in facility schools falls to multiple state agencies.

The Colorado Department of Education is charged with making sure the schools are following curriculum guidelines and the components of students’ individualized special education plans. The state Department of Human Services, which includes the child protection division, monitors schools to make sure students are safe. Human Services licenses schools in day-treatment or residential centers, while the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment licenses those in hospitals.

When Colorado lawmakers implemented the Office of Facility Schools at the state education department in 2008, they ordered the office to create curriculum standards, graduation guidelines, and an accountability system for the schools. While those standards were written, some of the performance data isn’t tracked or is not easily accessible to the public.

In response to a records request, the Colorado Department of Education provided average standardized test scores across all facility schools — they are lower than the state average, which state officials attributed to their intense behavioral health needs. Colorado’s strict student privacy law requires redacting data about small student groups, and the state wouldn’t provide any test data for individual schools.

Teacher Timi Meyer goes over a worksheet during science class at the Hilltop Day Treatment facility in Grand Junction.

The Colorado Sun and its partners gleaned what data we could by seeking documents under state open records laws. The state doesn’t track graduation rates or keep a count of how many students return to their home districts after attending a facility school. The Department of Human Services charged $90 for redacted reports on child safety. One police department said it would cost $4,700 for copies of reports that could shed light on why police were called so frequently to a facility school and the residential center where it’s housed in Colorado Springs.

The state human services department conducts regular inspections of schools in day-treatment and residential centers, focusing on whether children’s rights are protected. When the division receives a complaint about the way a child was restrained or injured, a state monitor investigates to determine if the school violated state regulations regarding child abuse or neglect. The Colorado Sun reviewed a year’s worth of school monitoring documents after receiving redacted reports through state open records laws.

The reports shed light on the often chaotic, and at times unsafe, environment at schools for students with a history of behavior problems deemed too much for regular schools to manage.

The Tennyson Center in Denver has operated as a home for children since 1904. It’s currently a day treatment facility school.

Mount Saint Vincent, a Denver day treatment center with a school, was cited last summer after a child was able to get ahold of cleaning chemicals and spray them at staff, sending a worker to the emergency room with possible eye and inhalation injuries.

The school was cited again in September after a father of one of the students complained about a red mark on his child that he said was from being held down by staff members on a “hot sidewalk.” A state report says the child threw a water bottle and began hitting two workers after being told to complete math before playing. The staff members restrained the child in a supine hold, face up on a paved courtyard, as the child screamed “Let my arm go” and “The concrete hurts.”

Tennyson Center, another Denver day treatment center, was cited in January for failing to supervise a child who had a known history of cutting herself. The girl hurt herself in a bathroom after staff failed to check on her, according to one Colorado Department of Human Services report.

Devereux Cleo Wallace, which has a day treatment school in Westminster that is closing at the end of this school year, was investigated after a worker chased after and collided with a child running toward a maintenance shed containing tools.

12 schools cited by education department in past five years

In the past five years, the Colorado Department of Education has ordered 12 facility schools to take corrective action for violations ranging from not uploading individualized special education plan documents, using curriculum not aligned to state standards, and cutting into academic time by pulling students out of class for therapy, according to monitoring and corrective action reports reviewed by Chalkbeat Colorado

Five of those 12 schools are closed now. That means seven of the 30 facility schools currently operating — or about 23% — have had violations in the past five years. Most were addressed by the next time state monitors visited.

Poplar Way Academy, inside a behavioral health hospital in Littleton, was cited for cluttered and dirty learning areas, “minimal structure,” and lots of downtime for the 17 students who were there when the monitors visited last June.

“Students had control over the radio and music was playing loudly as they worked,” said the report, which was by far the most egregious of 88 monitoring reports reviewed for this story. “There were no redirections for inappropriate language or behaviors, and students were often left unsupervised or allowed to walk out of the classroom with no redirection. Inappropriate boundaries were noted among students,” who were male and female.

The school is different from most in that it’s for teenagers who have been admitted to a hospital on mental health holds, meaning they were deemed a danger to themselves or others. The average length of stay is just four to five days, the report says.

The school’s director of special education, Deon Roberts, said that since state officials’ last visit, the school has hired more teachers, increased staff training and expanded the curriculum. The school is “committed to continuous improvement while providing much-needed educational services to a challenging population of students,” she said in an email.

Skyline Academy’s “chill space” provides a separate room where students can find a darker, quieter environment to decompress.

The majority of the violations, however, are for “quick fixes” that schools can address with more training or resources, said Judy Stirman, director of facility schools at the state education department.

State education officials try to help schools with a background in mental health treatment understand their educational obligations, said Foster, with the state education department. “If I’m a therapist or someone at a facility school, I’m looking at the whole package, and so I may not understand that the school side of it has committed to a certain plan for this child in addition to the treatment plan you’re doing.

“Special education is pretty technical, so you can have technical violations,” he said. “Don’t hear me say that technical violations don’t need to be treated seriously. But a technical violation that is quickly remedied is not usually harmful to the student.”

Facility schools with violations get a visit each year from a pair of state monitors. Schools without violations get a visit every other year from monitors who use a 98-item checklist. In addition to whether schools are complying with the mounds of federal requirements related to special education, the monitors determine whether teachers are properly licensed and staff are using positive behavior interventions with students and not punitive ones, for example.

The reports provide a window into what the schools look and feel like. Many describe bright classrooms with student artwork on display. They note that most schools use a reward system where students with good behavior earn tickets that they can redeem for prizes. Some schools hold events like talent shows and carnivals. One has a basketball team. Another has a student choir. A few have therapy dogs, gardens, or culinary arts programs.

Juvenile records laws shield information about safety

Several of Colorado’s facility schools include a mix of students who live at home with their parents and students who are in foster care and live in the residential treatment center that contains the school.

This clouds transparency about the safety of the schools, since police regularly visit residential centers for young people who might have lived in multiple foster homes and juvenile justice centers.

Public records requests from The Sun to police departments in Colorado Springs and Denver revealed a constant drumbeat of emergency calls to facility schools or programs housed in the same complexes.

Between April 2021 and the end of March, for example, Colorado Springs police responded hundreds of times to the J. Wilkins Opportunity School, 10 Farragut Ave., and the residential program across the street, 17 Farragut Ave., police records show.

More than 100 emergencies were reported at the school, including 18 assaults as well as sexual assaults, threats, harassment, 911 hangups, and suicide attempts. The residential facility, where some of the students live, accounted for more than 470 police calls during that period, with dozens more reports of assaults, threats, indecent exposure, missing children, and sexual offenses, the records show.

No details were provided beyond the time, date, and nature of each call. Police said a request for more records of those calls would require an estimated $4,700 payment for research and redaction fees.

“We’re less likely to press charges than a school would. If they’re here, we’re not suspending them, either.”

Managing outbursts and aggressive behavior is nothing new at the J. Wilkins Opportunity School, said Lauren Campbell, the chief operating officer of the Griffith Centers, which runs the school and residential program.

“Some of that behavior is why these kids — a good portion of them — are here,” Campbell said. “It’s not an ideal piece of learning, clearly, but unfortunately it’s the safest place for most of these students to be in general.”

When police are called, the children involved in the emergency are separated from other students, so officers aren’t entering classrooms, Campbell said. That minimizes disruptions and allows staff to restore order and return to teaching, she said.

A threat that might get a child suspended or even kicked out of another school often results in a safety plan involving special accommodations, such as a temporary transfer to a different classroom.

Campbell said calls to police had increased in the past two years, citing a staffing shortage that made it harder for workers to defuse conflicts on their own.

Skyline Academy’s peace room is one place students can get some time apart from their classmates.

The campus used to operate five residential centers, housing up to 40 children. But they closed all but one after the passage of the federal Family First Prevention Services Act, which pushed states to send fewer children to residential care.

The closures reduced the campus staff by roughly 50%, and the only remaining residential center was reserved for the kids with the severest needs, leading to more frequent calls for help, Campbell said.

Still, the emphasis remains on keeping children safe, and on campus.

“They end up in less troublesome situations than in a school setting,” she said. “We’re less likely to press charges than a school would. If they’re here, we’re not suspending them, either.”

In Denver, police similarly logged thousands of calls per year to facility schools or the complexes housing them, also for reports of assaults, missing children and various disturbances, records show. But Denver police declined to provide incident or arrest reports that would disclose more detail, citing a state law meant to protect juveniles’ privacy.

McKenzie, with The Arc Pikes Peak Region, worries Colorado isn’t doing enough to make sure kids at facility schools are safe.

“There isn’t that oversight,” said McKenzie, who advocates for a handful of families each year whose kids end up attending facility schools, noting some students are terrified of returning to one.

“They were afraid,” she said. “They were legitimately afraid of what was going to happen to them if they went back to a place where they felt they had been abused.”

Lawmakers are hoping to see better coordination between the agencies that oversee facility schools.

Becky Miller Updike, director of the Colorado Association of Family and Children’s Agencies, which represents some of the largest youth treatment facilities in Colorado, is hopeful that this year’s legislation will set facility schools on a trajectory of better funding and more accountability.

“With this new investment from the legislature, facility schools will now track data and access technical assistance more robustly than ever before,” she said. “We will have new ways to measure what’s working and what’s not.”

Zenzinger’s legislation requires multiple state agencies to work together to help current schools function better and new ones open.

“Facility schools don’t neatly live under one department. That’s why they are such a challenge,” she said. “We are definitely mandating a new level of cooperation between these different departments so that they are each doing their part.”

“We want to make sure that children in facility schools are able to graduate and go on to college and have productive lives.”

As part of the new accreditation requirements, schools will have to report additional data showing student outcomes, and the new law provides funding for data collection because “we absolutely would like to track things a little bit better,” Zenzinger said. A task force that has studied facility schools for the last year and made recommendations ahead of Zenzinger’s legislation will continue to meet and help determine what data the schools are required to report.

“We want them to be accredited and deliver good quality public education,” she said. “Obviously they aren’t traditional schools. You are not going to have passing periods and a full schedule every day. But we want to make sure that children in facility schools are able to graduate and go on to college and have productive lives.”

One child out of 11 returned to a regular school

On a recent day at Skyline Academy in Denver, elementary school children read quietly at their desks as a flat-screen television at the front of their classroom played soothing music and showed a trickling waterfall.

The desks at Skyline, which is run by Denver’s community mental health center WellPower, have bungee rubber bands that stretch from one chair leg to the other so kids can put their feet on them and bounce as they study fractions or read aloud. Each child gets a plastic rainbow wiggle slug they silently twist and curl in their palm, helping them relieve anxiety. Children can use standing desks or “wobbly” stools inside of regular chairs. There is a “chill room” and a “peace room” containing bean bags and swings where students can hang out if the classroom gets too stressful.

Classrooms at Skyline Academy are decorated with student artwork.

The classrooms, decorated with cheerful colors and maps, are on one side of the building of the Dahlia Campus for Health and Well-Being. On the other side are the mental health center’s counseling offices where children get individual and family therapy.

The school has a capacity for 24, yet only 14 desks are full — even as school districts across Colorado are scrambling to find spaces for children whose needs are beyond what they can handle.

Program manager Erica Edewaard said that’s because many of the children who’ve been referred to Skyline in recent months have behavioral issues more intense than even Skyline can accommodate. Some of the kids referred by school districts, she said, need residential treatment.

Skyline, not far from busy Martin Luther King and Colorado boulevards, won’t accept children who repeatedly run away because they could get hit by cars. Under state law, schools like Skyline are not allowed to lock their doors and staff are prohibited from physically restraining students unless there is imminent risk of danger to themselves or others. Skyline also won’t typically take kids with a history of destroying property or assaulting teachers or other students, especially if they are nearly the same size as Edewaard’s staff.

“I also have to take into consideration the size of the student relative to the size of my staff,” Edewaard said. “If I’m always relying on just my two tallest staff members, that’s going to burn them out really quickly.”

The goal at Skyline is that students learn to cope with their anxiety, depression or attention disorder so they are able to function and learn in a regular classroom. For most, however, a direct transition to regular school is not that easy.

Eleven students have left Skyline in the past year, according to data provided by the school. Three students left for hospitalization or a residential treatment program, one “aged out” and a handful of others went to other step-down or specialized school programs.

Only one returned to a regular classroom.

Jennifer Brown is a co-founder and reporter at The Sun, where she writes about mental health, child welfare and social justice issues. Contact Jen at jennifer@coloradosun.com.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado legislature delivers on school funding, math tutoring, free college despite drama

2023-05-12T12:00:00+00:00

Colorado’s K-12 schools got a major funding increase. Younger students should get more help with math learning, and older students should have more ways to get a free college education.

And long-standing areas of education policy debate — how to more fairly distribute money among schools and how to determine what makes a good school — will get the focused attention of dedicated task forces that could recommend changes to future lawmakers.

When the 2023 Colorado General Assembly concluded its work this week, education stood out as an area of relative consensus and modest progress, in sharp contrast to heated debates over gun control, crime, housing, and tax policy that saw progressives frustrated and conservatives alike disappointed and disillusioned.

Education had its contentious moments as well. Republicans argued that a bill to expand mental health assessments in schools risked trampling on parental rights. Legislators scaled back a bill to give far more protections to students facing expulsion. A bill to promote universal screening for dyslexia, a common learning disability, never even got a hearing.

But overall, advocates across the spectrum rated education a bright spot this session.

“It is pretty remarkable when you can peel away the drama of the session,” said Jen Walmer, Colorado state director of Democrats for Education Reform. “There were real wins for kids.”

State Rep. Don Wilson, a freshman Monument Republican, said that education issues felt less politically charged.

“We did have a bunch of party-line votes, but there was good discussion about them and I really appreciate that from my fellow committee members,” he said.

With so many bills convening task forces — there also will be groups working on transportation and student discipline — the 2023 session could tee up bigger debates ahead or see the status quo win out.

“We have all these opportunities to talk about where we want our education system to go,” said Brenda Dickhoner, president and CEO of the conservative education group Ready Colorado. “We have this moment where we could choose to do better for our kids, but I’m also worried we’ll keep doing the same things.”

Here are some of the big education issues lawmakers tackled during this year’s session.

School funding

Lawmakers approved a budget and school finance act for 2023-24 that raises per-pupil spending to $10,614, up by more than $1,000 from this year. Legislators also wrote into law a promise to fund education according to constitutional requirements starting in the 2024-25 budget year. That would mark the end of the 13-year practice known as the budget stabilization factor, under which lawmakers held back more than $10 billion from K-12 schools to pay for other budget priorities.

At the same time, a last-minute property tax relief measure contains provisions that Democrats say will shore up school funding over the long-term.

“We made huge progress this year,” said Senate Majority Leader Dominick Moreno, a Commerce City Democrat. “Buying off the B.S. factor completely is within striking distance. I think we’re going to be able to do that next year.”

Moreno said Proposition HH also would allow the state to better fund higher education by relieving budget pressures to cover K-12.

The tax package came together in the final days of the session, and Republicans balked at what they described as an excuse to undermine the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights. In the House, the entire GOP caucus walked out rather than vote on the measure.

House Minority Leader Mike Lynch, in cowboy hat, gives an impromtu press conference with other House Republicans on the west steps of the Colorado Capitol after walking out of the chamber in protest.

State Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, a Brighton Republican, said Democrats need to prioritize education first, rather than one priority among many, and that it will be easier to hold schools accountable for outcomes when they have more resources.

“When we have 60% of our third graders not being able to read at the third grade level, 70% or so of our eighth graders, not being able to do math at the eighth grade level, we need some accountability here, and we need to start to figuring out how we’re going to get our kids educated so that they can succeed,” she said.

Lawmakers raised special education funding to meet promises made in 2006, put aside money for capital construction grants in cash-strapped districts, and promised an extra $30 million just for rural districts.

Legislators also increased funding for state-authorized charter schools and promised to fund them next year at the same level as their district-authorized counterparts, which benefit from local revenue sharing.

Amie Baca-Oehlert, president of the Colorado Education Association, the state teachers union, said she hopes additional funding translates into higher teacher pay, smaller class sizes, and more mental health support for students.

Speaker of the House Julie McCluskie started the session with high hopes, including for big changes to school finance that didn’t materialize.

But lawmakers put off any major changes to the school funding formula — how the state distributes money to schools.

Some advocacy groups lamented that Colorado missed an opportunity to send more money to districts that serve more students in poverty, but Bret Miles, who leads the Colorado Association of School Executives, said the proposed changes were coming too fast and presented too many complications.

“It’s a big ship to turn,” Miles said. “It doesn’t turn on a dime.”

There’s always next year. The school finance act commissions a study to determine at what level Colorado should fund its schools and a task force to determine how that money should be distributed.

Walmer said she is optimistic the task force will be less political than a previous legislative committee. Miles said he also expects the state to be able to increase funding in future years — and a larger pie is always easier to divide in new ways.

School safety and student discipline

Lawmakers faced pressures this session to address gun violence and school safety after the horrific shooting in Uvalde and, closer to home, the Club Q shooting in Colorado Springs, which raised questions about the effectiveness of Colorado’s new “red flag” law.

Two shootings outside Denver’s East High School and another inside the school building that wounded two deans and ended with the death by suicide of a student highlighted the steady toll of community gun violence.

Students repeatedly walked out of East High and rallied at the Capitol for better gun control.

East High School students rally in support of gun control at the Colorado Capitol in March after student Luis Garcia was shot and killed just outside school.

Lawmakers banned ghost guns, raised the age to purchase firearms to 21, created a three-day waiting period before gun purchasers can take possession, and added educators to the list of people who can ask that someone’s guns be temporarily removed in response to a safety threat.

Lawmakers also created an Office of School Safety to bring various services under one roof and improve coordination and communication among state agencies and school districts.

Concerns about rising youth violence hampered efforts to reform school discipline, as some educators and administrators pointed to the shooting at East as an example of why traditional schools should exclude some students. Lawmakers also decided to continue to allow children as young as 10 to be arrested and prosecuted.

Nonetheless, lawmakers passed some protections for students facing expulsion. Under House Bill 1291, hearing officers would have to learn about trauma and disability and how those can affect student behavior, and school districts will have to adopt policies that consider alternatives to expulsion.

And Senate Bill 29 would convene a task force to make recommendations to reduce disproportionate discipline.

Colorado lawmakers also banned corporal punishment in schools. The practice did not seem to be widespread in the state, but lawmakers and advocates wanted to send a message that it’s never OK to hit a child.

Student mental health

Colorado would provide more funding and support for schools to implement universal mental health screening in schools under House Bill 1003. The goal is to identify problems and provide support early, before children are in crisis.

Colorado had a high youth suicide rate before the pandemic. In 2021, doctors at Children’s Hospital Colorado declared a youth mental health emergency, and educators consistently report mental health as a top concern for students.

Lawmakers also took steps to ease severe shortages of counselors, social workers, and other mental health professionals. Senate Bill 4 will expedite licensing to work in schools.

Math instruction

House Bill 1231 would invest more than $27 million in math learning, which saw particularly concerning declines in the wake of pandemic learning disruptions. Most of the money will go to teacher training and afterschool tutoring.

Teacher training programs will be asked to make sure teachers understand best practices and recent research in math instruction, preschool teachers will be asked to do more to build early foundations, and schools facing state intervention for low academic performance will have to show what steps they’re taking to improve math learning.

Schools will be encouraged to talk to parents more and make training available to them so they can better support students at home.

But the bill stops short of the widespread mandates that have characterized Colorado’s approach to improving reading instruction.

Some advocates said they would have liked Colorado to go further, but most said they hope a voluntary approach builds buy-in and puts resources toward teachers and schools eager to do better.

College access

Few issues brought lawmakers together this session like college access.

In a bipartisan rollout in March led by Gov. Jared Polis, lawmakers outlined proposals to expand free training to students for in-demand fields at the state’s community colleges and scholarships for graduates of the Class of 2024.

House Bill 1246 opens free college for students training in early childhood, education, law enforcement, firefighting, forestry, construction, and nursing.

The $45 million program targets careers with high social value but not necessarily high salaries.

Senate Bill 205 would spend $25 million for scholarships for up to $1,500 for students in the Class of 2024 who attend college, join an apprenticeship, or train in an in-demand job.

Democrats and Republicans agreed to allow universities to enroll more out-of-state students if the institutions provide more merit aid to Colorado students.

Nursing students, Jade Prophet, left, and Cami Gardetto, work at a nursing station simulation classroom at Colorado Northwestern Community College.

Senate Bill 96 primarily impacts the University of Colorado Boulder and the Colorado School of Mines, which enroll more out-of-state students. The state requires schools to enroll 55% of their students from Colorado. Schools get to count some of those students twice if they get certain institutional aid, allowing schools to enroll more out-of-state students. The bill already signed by the governor allows schools to now double count up to 15% of its students who get more institutional aid toward the in-state enrollment cap.

Lawmakers voted mostly in lockstep to increase options for adults who never finished high school, ensuring they have a path to continue their education or get better jobs.

Senate Bill 7 would triple state spending on adult education programs to $3 million a year and will add a digital literacy requirement. The bill also would allow colleges to award high school diplomas to adults.

Senate Bill 3 would create the state’s first high school for adults. The $5 million program will support students, including paying for courses, child care, and transportation.

Teacher shortages

Lawmakers passed three laws addressing teacher shortages.

Last school year, about 440 of the 5,700 open teaching positions went unfilled for the entire year. The number of positions that end up without a teacher has also grown.

The laws this year expanded on work in 2022, when lawmakers expanded loan forgiveness programs and made it easier for retired teachers to get back into the classroom.

House Bill 1001 broadens the state’s loan forgiveness program to include principals and special service providers to apply. The state also has a shortage of special service providers.

The bill also raises the income levels eligible for the $52 million program. The program provides up to $22,000 in stipends to student teachers and $5,000 in loan forgiveness to those who stick it out. Student teachers who work in other states in some circumstances now are allowed to apply to the program.

The state also created an apprenticeship program for teacher candidates. Senate Bill 87, which has been sent to the governor, would cost more than $120,000 a year and allow undergraduate education majors to work as student teachers or substitutes while they earn their bachelor’s degree.

Kira Badberg works as a student teacher at Lowry Elementary School in Denver in 2022.

House Bill 1064 will allow teachers licensed in another state to more easily obtain a Colorado license. The Interstate Mobility Compact will allow states to share disciplinary information and require background checks. The compact only goes into place if 10 states agree to join the compact. In January, seven other states were working to approve an agreement to join the compact.

Baca-Oehlert said Senate Bill 111, which provides some workplace protections for teachers, would also help with hiring and retention. Fear of retaliation and political interference is a major reason teachers consider leaving the profession, she said.

School accountability and testing

Groups along the education politics spectrum united to support House Bill 1241, which would create a task force to recommend changes to Colorado’s school accountability system.

The school accountability system rates schools largely based on test scores, and schools that report low performance for five years or more face state intervention. Education reform advocates believe the system is imperfect but provides critical insight into how schools are serving students and where improvement is needed. Many school administrators and educators see it as punitive and overly simplistic and say it pushes schools away from art, music, career, and other educational experiences.

Bills to scale back standardized testing failed. Facing opposition, the sponsors withdrew House Bill 1239, which would have ordered the state to seek federal waivers to testing requirements and encouraged more local experimentation in assessment.

In the final days of the session, a bill to eliminate the social studies standardized test given to fourth and seventh graders also died without a vote, despite seemingly widespread support. Advocates said the release of national test scores that showed concerning drops in students’ social studies and civics knowledge led lawmakers to hesitate to end the state’s own tests in those subjects.

Jason Gonzales is a reporter covering higher education and the Colorado legislature. Chalkbeat Colorado partners with Open Campus on higher education coverage. Contact Jason at jgonzales@chalkbeat.org.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

The Colorado General Assembly met from Jan. 9 and May 8, 2023, and now it’s done. Next year, there’ll be another one.

Students in rural Colorado left without options as specialized schools close

2023-05-12T11:00:00+00:00

GRAND JUNCTION, Colo. — At first glance, nothing seems particularly unusual about the four-room school in this western Colorado city. Inside, six students are learning about radioactivity. The walls of their classroom are plastered with motivational messages like “Determination” and “Courage” scribbled onto paper cutouts of stars and moons.

A closer look reveals that Hilltop Day Treatment is no ordinary school. There are no backpacks or lockers. Students are escorted to the restroom. Hugs aren’t allowed, a precaution against inappropriate touching by students who do not yet understand physical boundaries. And before lunch, the students break from their regular lessons for group therapy.

Hilltop is a facility school, Colorado’s term for specialized institutions that serve students with severe behavioral, mental health, or special education needs when their public schools can’t. And this school, with 12 students, is the last of its kind on the Western Slope, the vast territory west of the Continental Divide home to 10% of the state’s population. The other 29 facility schools are in the more heavily populated Front Range corridor.

“It breaks our heart to have a waitlist,” said Hollie VanRoosendaal, director of community programs at Hilltop Community Resources, the organization that runs the Hilltop Day Treatment school. “We really want to get those kids in and seen and getting their education towards their graduation as well as some really great therapeutic services.”

Disability rights and mental health advocates say facility schools are overused and can become dumping grounds for students with disabilities. But in rural Colorado, when the local school district can’t meet a student’s needs, the lack of spots in facility schools can mean students end up at home learning online, languishing in mental health facilities, or attending a residential school far from home.

Democratic Gov. Jared Polis signed a bill into law this spring that provides funds to prop up facility schools and strengthen services for students with severe needs in rural districts. But the sparse population and vast distances of the Western Slope and Eastern Plains mean serving these vulnerable students will likely remain a challenge.

“There are no services there. And so you get one student with autism that comes into this little tiny district, what’s going to happen? That child is not going to get what he or she needs, and they’re too far away from the Front Range,” said Barb Taylor, an educator turned consultant who serves as special education director for several Colorado facility schools.

According to a report submitted to lawmakers, among the main reasons students could not be placed at a facility school were lack of openings and, in rural areas, “prohibitive geographic location.”

A few rural patches of the state have figured out alternatives to serve students closer to home. For example, the Santa Fe Trail Board of Cooperative Educational Services, or BOCES, started the Southeast Alternative Learning Academy in La Junta for students in the eastern plains with emotional and behavioral problems.

But few other BOCES, regional associations of school districts that pool resources to provide services they would not be able to alone, have managed to start such programs.

Instead, across much of rural Colorado, “we have people that are trying to work with these kids that are not qualified or that are not trained, that don’t have the skills that they need to be able to do that in the district,” said Sandy Malouff, executive director and special education director of the Santa Fe Trail BOCES.

Sonjia Hunt, director of education at the Hilltop Day Treatment school, describes the services the school offers to children in sixth through 12th grade.

In the western half of the state, Sonjia Hunt, director of Hilltop Day Treatment school, said she has watched facility schools scale down or close: first in Rifle, then in Whitewater, Delta, Durango, and, last year, one inside a Glenwood Springs hospital.

After operating in the red for years, Hilltop had to scale back as well, shutting down its 16-bed residential facility in October 2020. Now, students on the Western Slope who require residential treatment must travel across the Rockies, if not out of state, Hunt said.

The new state law will allow Hilltop to hire another teacher, case manager, and therapist, and take on 12 more students, Hunt said. But Hilltop doesn’t plan to reopen its residential side.

When the residential facility closed, surrounding communities struggled to make up the loss, said Tammy Johnson, executive director of the Uncompahgre BOCES, which serves five rural western districts.

“There’s a big difference between being an educational entity and a therapeutic entity. We just don’t have the training that we need to meet these kids’ needs,” said Johnson.

The Hilltop Day Treatment school in Grand Junction is the only remaining school of its kind on Colorado’s Western Slope. It currently serves 12 girls and boys and always has a waiting list.

‘I just needed help’

Riley George, a 12-year-old with autism and disruptive mood dysregulation disorder, has had to cross a mountain range to get an education. After enrolling in and leaving multiple schools, Riley now lives in a residential facility in Colorado Springs, more than three hours from his home in Del Norte.

The slight preteen, whose tufty hair sticks up in the wind like a thistle, is an avid reader who tears through 400-page science fiction books.

He loves his dog and Baby Yoda, a character from the Star Wars TV series The Mandalorian. He goes for walks with one of his little sisters and plays action figures with his little brother. On a good day, said his mother, Kelly George, he’s “a good, respectful kid” who has no trouble getting himself ready for school.

But Riley’s brain works faster than his hands, which can make tasks like writing or tying shoelaces feel frustratingly insurmountable. He is only now learning how to play make-believe with others cooperatively, something other children tend to learn at a much younger age. And seemingly small things, like an itchy tag on his clothes, or loud noises, like his sister’s happy shrieks, can send him to a bad place.

“When he was younger, he would cover his ears and just immediately hit the floor and start screaming like he was in pain,” said George.

Now that he’s older, overload leads to aggression: hitting, cursing, kicking. “We had to design a code word for the other kids,” said George, to signal to her three younger children to barricade themselves in a room while the parents try to calm the eldest.

From preschool through second grade, Riley attended Bill Metz Elementary School in Monte Vista, one town over from where his family lives. Riley remembered how his teachers there gave him space when he was upset, as on the day his dog ran away. His special education teacher, Kellyn Ross, remembered him complimenting the cafeteria staff for a “divine” lunch.

On a good day, Riley George is “a good, respectful kid” who has no trouble getting himself ready for school, his mother said.

Riley was in the Pokémon Club and could earn points for good behavior that he could redeem for prizes. Riley and Ross developed a system to help him identify his feelings and others’, and to take a break when needed.

Monte Vista School District Superintendent Scott Wiedeman said the school takes a proactive approach to encouraging positive behavior in all students.

But when Ross got a promotion, the school couldn’t find someone with enough experience to fill her spot, and they were at capacity with special education students. In the decade since Ross had started as a special education teacher, her caseload had doubled. So, they had to send out-of-district students, including Riley, back to their neighborhood schools.

“The kicker is just having the resources,” Wiedeman said. “We need more people to deal with the mental health of students. That’s a big factor.”

After that, Riley started lashing out at others. The calls home ratcheted up, as did the use of force at school to restrain him.

When Riley was in third grade at Del Norte Elementary, he was on an individualized education program for serious emotional disability. Despite that, school officials frequently suspended him and whittled his classroom time down to one hour a day, the Georges said. When school districts in Oregon shortened their special education students’ school days due to behavior, experts determined it was as counterproductive as limiting reading time for students who are struggling to read well.

Aaron Horrocks, superintendent of the Upper Rio Grande School District, declined to comment on Riley specifically but said challenging behaviors are on the rise and schools need more support services and options — funding to hire paraprofessionals or a day treatment center within driving range.

One day, Riley slapped the side of the school bus and cursed, his mother said, and school staffers held him on the ground for an hour — Riley said one sat on him. The Georges filed a civil rights complaint with the U.S. Department of Education that alleged school officials had discriminated against Riley because of his disability. The department acknowledged that IEP documents show Riley was physically restrained three times over the course of a month.

A student cuts out a waving hand as she and her classmates create Fourth of July posters for seniors during their group therapy session at the Hilltop Day Treatment facility in Grand Junction.

Before an investigation got underway, the school district settled the complaint by adopting new protocols and training staff members on shortened school days and physical restraints. The Georges eventually chose to take Riley out of that school and enroll him in an online school.

That worked for about a year, with his father, Matthew George, staying home to help with schooling while Kelly George became the sole breadwinner.

But when Riley gave his mother a bruise the size of two softballs — and threatened to kill her while she slept — they were stuck: He had to go somewhere that could meet his needs, for his family’s safety. They contacted several residential facilities and even a few hospitals but ran into a string of denials: Some didn’t accept his insurance; others rejected him because he wasn’t yet a teenager, because of his aggressive behavior or his autism, or because they just had no beds left.

Schools in Utah, Arkansas, and Texas didn’t respond, and there was no room in Wyoming. By that point, Hilltop had closed its residential program, and driving more than four hours each way for a day program was out of the question.

In the meantime, Riley was in and out of short-term treatment facilities on multiple emergency mental health holds between September and January. Under Colorado law, emergency holds allow people to be kept for 72 hours for treatment and evaluation if they appear to be an imminent danger to themselves or others.

When Kelly George called her county’s social services department, she said, the response was that “unless he basically puts me in the hospital or is really aggressive towards one of his siblings and actually hurts them, there was nothing they could do, because it’s not an abuse or neglect case.”

So, they pressed assault charges against their own child.

“I just needed help, and it was the last card I could play,” said Kelly George.

Breaking the cycle of anger

Critics of facility schools condemn their segregated nature, but Riley wound up in even more segregated places over the next four months while his family tried to secure a bed at a residential school. After being criminally charged, Riley first went to Pueblo Youth Services Center, a detention facility. That was followed by a stint in a mental health hospital. His belongings moved with him in a garbage bag — the “essentials,” said Riley, plus 10 books about the military sci-fi franchise Halo.

Then, in late March, the Georges drove him to a Colorado Springs facility school called the J. Wilkins Opportunity School.

“I want to learn to control my anger better,” Riley said on his first day there. He missed his dog. He said he’d be ready to go home when anger no longer feels like “clenched fists.”

The Georges wish there were a place closer to home. “We can’t be the only family in our 200 square miles dealing with this,” said Kelly. A dream scenario, she said, would be to have a school that kids like her son could attend, with transportation to and from school, and therapeutic support at home.

Some provisions in the new Colorado law are intended specifically to help rural areas, such as establishing a statewide technical assistance center to help meet rural students’ needs.

Riley George stands beside his mother, Kelly, and father, Matthew, before he is dropped off at the J. Wilkins Opportunity School, a facility school in Colorado Springs.

It could provide anything from in-person training for school staffers to a behavior analyst available to coach people over the phone in a pinch, said Malouff, the Santa Fe Trail BOCES executive director, who participated in a stakeholder group that came up with the idea. The details have not yet been determined.

Malouff hopes the center will help rural districts gain the skills they need to keep students at home, and free up facility school spots for others with more severe needs.

Michelle Murphy, executive director of the Colorado Rural Schools Alliance, and others in rural education are skeptical that a single statewide technical assistance center can provide the support districts need when so much of the need is for boots on the ground.

“We have workforce challenges in virtually every aspect of our special education programs, from teachers to our special service providers to our paraprofessionals,” said Murphy. “It’s close to, if not an actual, crisis at this point.”

Pat Bershinsky, executive director of the Pikes Peak BOCES in Colorado Springs, said rural needs would be more effectively met if the money instead went directly to BOCES to create their own programs.

The Georges would have kept Riley at or close to home had they been able to get the right training, services, and support. In states like Minnesota, for example, it’s possible to get personal care assistance at home under certain circumstances, including for help with frequent aggressive behaviors for a home-schooled student with an individualized education program.

Such services were created to keep people in their communities and avoid institutional placement. Colorado does not appear to offer such services specifically geared toward aggressive behavior.

On move-in day in Colorado Springs, the Georges toured the campus with Riley and carried his belongings into his new room. Matthew George excitedly pointed out that Riley will be living mere blocks from a U.S. Olympic & Paralympic Training Center.

“I can’t believe that, finally, after all this time — eight months — it’s finally happening and my family’s needs are finally, finally being met,” said Matthew George. But he was also apprehensive. He, too, was institutionalized as a child, bouncing for five years between foster care and the same mental health hospital and facility school organization as his son.

“I never thought I would be in a position where I would be an adult and witness my son going through the same things that I went through,” he said. “Something really needs to be done, because I don’t want to be going and visiting my grandkids in a facility like this.”

Riley’s move has the Georges’ other children worried, too. Kelly George recalled their 5-year-old daughter throwing a temper tantrum over ice cream, then wailing in fright: “I’m gonna get sent away! I don’t wanna get sent away.” But Kelly, too, is optimistic about Riley’s new chapter.

“It’s sad that we’re leaving him here, but at the same time I’m really hopeful that this is going to be what he needs to get him to where he can be OK and be at home with us,” she said.

When it was time to say goodbye, Matthew George hugged his son close. “You can do this,” he told him. And then the family drove away, back through the mountains, back home.

Chalkbeat Colorado senior reporter Melanie Asmar contributed to this report

KFF Health News, formerly known as Kaiser Health News (KHN), is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF — the independent source for health policy research, polling, and journalism.

Matthew and Kelly George walk with their son Riley into the J. Wilkins Opportunity School, a facility school in Colorado Springs.

Proposition HH could boost Colorado school funding while slowing property tax hikes — or not

2023-05-12T02:50:40+00:00

Democratic lawmakers say their last-minute property-tax relief package will also go a long way toward shoring up school funding after the legislature committed to finally meet its financial obligations to Colorado students starting next year.

Republicans — some of whom were so upset about the tax proposal they walked out rather than vote on it on the session’s final day Monday— say it’s an excuse to undermine the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights rather than make tough decisions about which government programs to prioritize.

The ballot measure’s impact on the money available for school funding would be complex — swapping locally generated property tax revenue for increased state funding in the future — and a lot would depend on future economic growth. District leaders and school finance experts say they’re watching carefully and trying to understand the effects.

The voters ultimately will decide if Proposition HH becomes law — if it survives a legal challenge to make it on the November ballot.

The proposal would cap the growth of assessed values to limit property tax increases if voters also agree to let the state keep more revenue generated by other sources. In other words, all taxpayers would give up a portion of future tax refunds in exchange for owners of homes and businesses getting some relief.

Most of the additional money would be set aside for schools and replace lost property tax revenue at the local level. Instead of growing at the rate of population plus inflation, state government could grow at the rate of population plus inflation plus 1%. That would allow the state to reap the benefits of a growing economy and ease pressure from spending caps.

If approved, the extra money the state could retain is estimated to add up to more than $500 million over the next two years. State projections are not available past the 2024-25 year, but a fiscal analysis of the bill says by 2031-32, Proposition HH would potentially allow the state to keep up to $2.2 billion over the state cap that triggers refunds to Coloradans.

“If Proposition HH passes, that is a real opportunity to increase funding to schools and a historic one at that,” said Senate Majority Leader Dominick Moreno, a Commerce City Democrat. “We have been underfunding schools for decades. And Proposition HH is a key piece of the solution and addressing that issue.”

State Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, a Brighton Republican, had pushed hard for lawmakers to fully fund schools this year instead of waiting, and she now believes Democrats resisted in part to justify the tax package.

“Then they wouldn’t have a reason to say why they needed your TABOR refunds,” she said.

Chris Brown, the Common Sense Institute’s vice president for policy and research, argued in a Twitter thread that Proposition HH is more of an education funding measure than a tax relief bill because over time, it would generate far more money than needed just to backfill lost local revenue.

Tracie Rainey of the Colorado School Finance Project sees it differently. She said lawmakers wanted to offer limited property tax relief to head off potential ballot measures from conservative activists but knew they would need to protect school funding, she said. The result is a cobbled-together policy whose long-term impact is unclear.

The proposal could provide important new revenue for school funding at the state level, she said, but if the campaign focuses a lot on the benefits to education, it could be harder to win support for a larger school funding measure in a year or two, she said.

Rainey is among many education advocates who think that meeting constitutional school funding requirements isn’t nearly enough. She also noted that Coloradans pay less in property taxes than do most of the rest of the nation.

Bret Miles, executive director of the Colorado Association of School Executives, said his members aren’t sure yet what the proposal will mean.

On the one hand, large property tax increases affect school employees and families just as they affect other members of the public — and make voters less likely to approve requests for new taxes.

“School districts don’t need to give people another reason to say no,” Miles said.

At the same time, property taxes are the most stable source of school revenue, so district chief financial officers worry about seeing them reduced.

Legislature sets a date for full education funding

Proposition HH was proposed in the final week of a contentious session that produced major gains for school funding that were hailed across the political spectrum.

Lawmakers approved a budget and school finance act for 2023-24 that raises per-pupil spending to $10,614, up more than $1,000 from this year. Legislators also wrote into law a promise to fund education according to constitutional requirements starting in the 2024-25 budget year. That would mark the end of the 13-year practice known as the budget stabilization factor, under which lawmakers held back more than $10 billion from K-12 schools to pay for other budget priorities.

“We made huge progress this year,” Moreno said. “Buying off the B.S. factor completely is within striking distance. I think we’re going to be able to do that next year.”

Lawmakers also increased funding for charter schools, special education, and school construction projects, and set aside an extra $30 million for rural schools.

But much of the increase in education funding over the last several years has come from rising local property tax revenues. Colorado sets a base budget for education funding and a per-pupil amount for each district. Whatever local taxes don’t generate, the state makes up the difference.

In recent years, the combination of a hot housing market, the repeal of the Gallagher Amendment limit on residential value growth, and a legal change that allowed the state to increase some local taxes have added hundreds of millions of locally generated dollars to school funding.

More in local tax revenue has meant less in state obligations toward that base budget. That could change if Proposition HH limits local property taxes and puts more of the burden of covering that base education budget back on the state. In turn, that raises questions about a permanent increase in school funding.

The state fiscal analysis estimates that should Proposition HH pass, Colorado would be able put an extra $124.9 million in the state education fund and would obligated to backfill $278.2 million, more than double. In 2025-26, Colorado would put $269 million in the state education fund and be obligated to backfill $350.7 million, just 30% more.

Over time, the revenue the state could keep and spend on schools would increase and could be more than the amount needed to backfill lost property taxes, the fiscal analysis says. An economic downturn could change that, as income tax and sales tax are more likely to decline than property values.

Lawmakers also worry that if they do nothing, school funding obligations will run up against TABOR caps, creating major budget problems.

Voters have rejected other requests to forego TABOR refunds to fund education. Tying it to property tax relief could sweeten the deal. To give renters a reason to vote yes, lawmakers also promised every taxpayer roughly $661 in TABOR refunds next year — but only if Proposition HH passes.

Conservatives promise to challenge Proposition HH

Michael Fields, Advance Colorado president, said his organization plans to challenge the ballot measure. He said he believes Proposition HH violates single-subject ballot rules and that the ballot’s language will need changes.

Fields’ organization has filed a ballot measure currently being challenged in the courts that would cap property tax increases at 3% and backfills revenue to fire departments, he said. The organization plans to propose other tax cut measures next year, he said. Fields already has run two successful measures cutting Colorado’s income tax rates.

Fields said Proposition HH sponsors want more money for education but are pairing that with an unpopular tax policy.

“The only reason that they’re going to the ballot is to take TABOR refunds. They don’t need to go to the ballot at all to deal with property taxes,” Fields said.

Fields said his anti-Prop HH campaign — if he can’t block it from the ballot — will focus heavily on the government asking voters to give up refunds.

“We are very much going to ask that the legislature and the governor call a special session to cap property taxes, and voters should not give up TABOR refunds,” he said.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

The schools that take Colorado’s ‘most vulnerable’ children are disappearing

2023-05-11T10:59:00+00:00

Erin Schneiderman used to get calls in the middle of the day two or three times a week to pick her son up from his Denver elementary school.

The third-grader had run away or was standing in the hallway screaming. Meltdowns could last for hours. School was just too loud and crowded, with too much unpredictability, for a child with autism who craved routine.

Denver Public Schools decided Schneiderman’s son should go to a privately run school that specializes in serving children with intense behavioral, mental health or special education needs. But when it came time to start fourth grade, he still didn’t have a spot. The boy spent two months at home, most of that time getting no education at all.

Today, nearly five years later, the few options for Colorado students like Schneiderman’s son have dwindled further. In 2004, Colorado had 80 of these specialized programs known as facility schools. Now there are just 30 that serve an estimated 4,000 to 5,000 children a year. A single school serves all of western Colorado. On the Front Range, another school is set to close soon.

Meager state funding, dire staffing shortages, and changes to federal law have pushed the system to the brink. Lawmakers hope a cash infusion and regulatory changes will spur the opening of new schools — even as school districts are seeking their own solutions.

When there’s no open facility school seat, children may languish at home. They may remain in a mental health facility longer than they need to, taking up a bed that could be used by another child stuck in a hospital emergency room. Or they may stay in classrooms, struggling to learn, coming undone, lashing out almost daily, and disrupting the learning of their classmates.

Parents pay the price in lost jobs, and children pay the price in squandered potential.

Public schools have an obligation to educate every child. Facility schools — which operate at the crosscurrents of education, mental health, disability, and trauma — serve as placements of last resort when public schools can’t or won’t meet a child’s needs.

“K-12 was set up to educate the masses,” said Cori Woessner, a career public school educator who isn’t sure her own son with disabilities would have finished high school without the more supportive environment provided in facility schools.

“We’re not talking about the masses. We’re talking about the kids with the most severe needs that need the most support to be a productive member of society. To even have a chance at it.”

Facility schools balance academics and therapy

Facility schools are neither mental health facilities nor schools in the way most people might think about them. Operating in day treatment centers or residential facilities or tucked into hospitals, they offer academic programs within larger therapeutic settings.

Some critics say facility schools too often end up warehousing kids who, with more support, could have stayed in their home schools. Oversight is spread across multiple state and local agencies. When a school district recommends a facility school, parents have no easy way to know if the school is good or safe, though they rarely get a choice about placement.

The goal is to help children stay on an academic path while developing the skills they need to function in a public school before sending them back.

Some facilities serve children in foster care who need mental health care, or children in the juvenile criminal system who need treatment before returning home. The more common scenario is that students live at home and school districts send them to day treatment programs.

“Once we make that decision, it’s not because we don’t like kids and we’re sending them somewhere else,” said Callan Ware, the executive director of student services in Englewood Schools, a small district south of Denver. “We are saying we like them so much, we care about them so much — and we’re admitting to you we don’t have what it takes to support them and we’re going to find it and we’re going to pay for it.”

The Tennyson Center for Children is a facility school located in a bright, modern building in a residential Denver neighborhood. It serves about 50 metro-area students in kindergarten through 12th grade. The staff seems to have endless patience for behavior that would likely get a student kicked out of public school.

On a recent Friday, a middle schooler raged in a stairwell and called the principal a “fucko” because the school removed the game platform Roblox from its computers.

A high schooler who couldn’t sit still tossed a foam basketball at a staff member’s face as she drank from a water bottle, soaking her shirt.

And an elementary student ran up and down the hallway letting out a series of screams between his spelling words and math problems.

The boy was working with a staff member in one of the “nooks” — a small recessed room without a door where students can retreat if they’re feeling overwhelmed.

“I don’t want to do any more work!” the boy said, coming out of the nook and kicking the wall.

“To earn our positive breaks with staff, we have to complete work,” the staff member said, reminding the boy that he was working toward earning computer time in the library.

“It’s hard for me,” the boy said. He asked why his classmates, who had just completed a worksheet on Presidents Day, were earning points for good behavior and he wasn’t.

“Because they stay in class,” the staff member calmly told him as he pouted and fumed. “Part of the expectation of being in school is staying in class.”

The boy went back into the nook and screamed again.

The Tennyson Center For Children, founded in 1904, provides community programs, schooling, and day services to children with intense needs.

When funding dries up, kids are funneled down

Children with these challenges were once institutionalized.

“Almost every general hospital had a kids’ psych unit, and they were all full,” said Skip Barber, a retired child psychiatrist who worked at state mental health institutions and facility schools.

The psychiatric facilities created their own schools. But since the 1990s, the philosophy has shifted away from institutionalization and toward community-based care. Residential treatment programs began receiving kids in crisis who previously would have gone to hospitals. Day treatment programs took kids who would have been placed in residential facilities.

And more kids just stayed in public schools.

The Medicaid dollars that supported the previous system dried up. Twenty residential treatment facilities closed in Colorado between 2007 and 2017, according to newspaper reports. On the heels of those closures, Congress passed the Family First Prevention Services Act, which sought to keep more children with relatives or foster families and placed limits on government-funded residential care.

More residential programs closed, taking their associated facility schools with them or reducing capacity. Options in rural Colorado — where the nearest school might be hours from home — became even scarcer.

“Great if we move away from facilities that aren’t cutting the mustard or doing what we need, but now we’ve gone too far,” said Becky Miller Updike, executive director of the nonprofit Colorado Association of Family and Children’s Agencies, which represents residential facilities.

More children in crisis are now funneled into day treatment programs. But the funding hasn’t increased in tandem.

In a 2020 survey, administrators at 19 facility schools told Miller Updike they were nearly or solidly in the red. One reported having to fundraise $1 million a year.

“The program loses money on a regular basis,” another wrote.

Most funding comes directly or indirectly from the state. Facility schools get $55.05 per student per day in direct state funding, an amount that’s barely increased in the last eight years, said Judy Stirman, director of facility schools for the Colorado Department of Education.

School districts pay tuition fees on top of that, ranging from $75 to $348 per day. Students come and go throughout the year, which means the daily funding comes and goes. But the salaries of the experienced specialists and one-on-one aides who make the system work are constant.

Students at Third Way Center in Denver, a facility school that primarily serves children in foster care and youth corrections, can earn points to “purchase” items like snacks, stationery, games, personal care items, clothing, and more.

Low funding means it’s hard to hire staff. Facility schools often pay their staff less than school districts, which struggle to fill the same positions. That limits how many students they can serve.

“Every hire, we can bring in a student,” said Amy Gearhard, founder of Spectra School, which started as a therapy clinic for children with autism. Most students need one-on-one aides.

But the job is hard, and new hires don’t always stay. The aides at Spectra take 40 hours of behavior technician training and often wear bite guards and spit shields.

Despite those precautions, Gearhard said in January that three Spectra staff members had suffered concussions on the job, and two were out on workers’ compensation claims.

“You can’t pay them $15 an hour,” she said.

Two longtime facilities that closed last year — the Hampden Youth Campus in Aurora, which ran three day treatment programs, and the Youth Recovery Center at Valley View Hospital in Glenwood Springs — cited low funding and staffing shortages.

“Last year this program lost over $300,000, which made it very difficult to be able to hire enough staff to work with the level of acuity that we were seeing in the students,” Aurora Mental Health Center Chief Clinical Officer Kirsten Anderson told the Sentinel Colorado.

Officials with Devereux Cleo Wallace, a day treatment program in Westminster that’s set to close this year, said in a statement that “the continued regional staffing shortages have made it no longer possible to operate our flagship programs at the levels our families deserve.”

But the staff who stay at facility schools say they’re drawn to working with this student population. Renée Johnson, executive director of Third Way Center, a residential facility that serves kids in foster care or youth corrections, said these kids are “used to being thrown away.”

“These alternative schools give kids chances to do it again and be successful,” Johnson said. “That feeling of success is so important to build on.”

Denver-area job postings fill a bulletin board at the Third Way Center’s Joan Farley Academy.

Fewer schools means longer waitlists

Colorado is not alone in its hiring struggles. A nationwide shortage of special education staff means it’s harder for schools to provide the consistent support that would help kids with severe needs be successful in their home schools. At the same time, the inability to hire and retain staff has caused specialized schools nationwide to close or reduce their capacity, leading to students with disabilities being put on long waitlists, according to an October letter to Congress from the National Association of Private Special Education Centers.

“We’re seeing a supply and demand crisis on a national level,” said Danielle Damm, the association’s executive director and CEO.

In Colorado, the number of students served by facility schools has decreased. Thousands of students come and go throughout the year, but there are only so many spots at one time. A statewide snapshot taken on Dec. 1 each year found 1,266 students in facility schools in late 2017 but just 769 students in these schools in 2022. That’s a 40% decrease.

It’s not because the demand has decreased.

“We’re all on waiting lists because the facilities can only accept so many students and they’re short-staffed as well,” said Courtney Leyba, senior manager of extended school support for Denver Public Schools.

In Jeffco Public Schools, the number of students in out-of-district placements dropped 35% — from 211 students six years ago to 138 students this school year. In Denver, it went from 254 to 119 students in the same time period, a whopping 53% decrease.

Fifteen years ago, when Leyba started working for the Denver district, she said students would wait just two or three weeks to get into a facility school. “Now we can wait anywhere between two, three, or sometimes even six months for a placement,” she said.

In the wait, students can unravel even more.

Until he got into a facility school two months into his fourth grade year, Schneiderman’s son would have meltdowns over literally anything, she said.

She and her husband struggled to cobble together care for him. Grandparents from both sides of the family flew in to help, but Schneiderman ended up having to take a leave from her job. An in-home tutor the district promised didn’t start working with him until he’d already been home more than a month.

“It felt like we were completely lost in a system that we had no idea how to navigate,” Schneiderman said. “That had to have been one of the worst periods of our lives for sure.”

Erin Schneiderman and her 13-year old son sit outside their home near City Park in Denver.

‘Effective in some cases, but not in all’

Many advocates and experts say students belong in their own communities, not separate schools that may be hours — or even states — away from home.

“Students don’t need to be segregated in order to have their needs met and be successful in school,” said Lewis Bossing, senior staff attorney with the Washington, D.C.-based Bazelon Center for Mental Health Law. “We think that there are a number of different kinds of supports that can be put in place so that, for the most part, students can be served in general education settings.”

Advocates like Connie McKenzie with The Arc Pikes Peak Region worry about a lack of oversight, and about students getting stuck and never returning to public school.

One student McKenzie worked with attended a facility school from kindergarten through 12th grade. Another was a kindergartener who was referred to a facility school because the child kept running out of the classroom, she said. The child had gone through a traumatic event.

“Removing the child from the school, sending them to a different school, just reinforced to the child that they weren’t safe at school,” McKenzie said.

Facility schools, she said, “are effective in some cases, but not in all.”

People who work in the system say the typical stay is about a year, though it varies widely based on the facility and whom it serves — from less than a week for acute psychiatric hospitalizations to years at schools for students with intellectual disabilities.

The state education department doesn’t track how many facility school students return to their home districts or how they fare later.

But even critics acknowledge there are times when a separate setting is justified.

Zoe Gross, director of advocacy for the Autistic Self Advocacy Network, said that while inclusion is ideal, “if your school district just refuses, or is unable to meet the needs of your kid, then you have really limited options outside of that.”

That’s how Woessner, the career educator whose son attended facility schools, feels.

Her son, now 18, was first referred to a facility school when he was 8. Woessner and her husband adopted him out of foster care as a baby, and he has several diagnoses, including fetal alcohol syndrome, which affects his cognitive ability.

He couldn’t read or write his name in second grade. At 7, he made a plan to kill himself by running out into the street. At 8, he put a belt around his neck at school.

“We were very fortunate that happened when he was 8 and there were still 70-some-odd facility schools and they popped him into a facility school because of the severity of his behaviors,” Woessner said.

Her son spent the next 10 years in six different day treatment and residential programs, including one out of state. He completed 12th grade at a Denver facility school and is now in a small transitional program for older students with disabilities through his home school district.

“He made it a lot further academically going through facility schools than he ever would have in a traditional school,” Woessner said.

Moving ahead toward an uncertain future

A state law signed by Gov. Jared Polis this spring boosts funding for facility schools and revamps the funding model so small schools are less vulnerable to fluctuations in enrollment.

A new technical assistance center will provide consulting services and training in rural districts so that more students could stay close to home. And a new way of approving new schools should make them easier to open.

In advocating for changes to the law, the working group described facility school students as some of Colorado’s “most vulnerable.” Parents, advocates, and special education experts all say that meeting the needs of these children will require more than just saving the schools, however: Families need more options all along the spectrum of inclusion and separation, and children need more care as they make precarious transitions from one setting to another.

Schneiderman’s son did so well at Tennyson Center in Denver that everyone agreed he should go to public middle school, she said. He enrolled at Denver’s Merrill Middle School. But even in a small program with a dedicated teacher and a classroom where he could go when things got overwhelming, going to school with 600 other students proved tough.

Wanting to fit in, Schneiderman’s son rejected help from an aide in traditional classes. He got into fights because he misunderstood regular kid banter as bullying. His meltdowns — which can turn violent and have landed him in the hospital — returned both at home and at school.

Schneiderman began getting calls again to pick him up midday.

Erin Schneiderman’s son, who is 13, plays Journey, an indie adventure video game.

The controlled environment at Tennyson had made it hard to predict how or if her son might struggle once he returned to public school, she said.

Partway through seventh grade, an advocate suggested Schneiderman’s son try something different. Evoke Behavioral Health is not a facility school, but a private day treatment program specializing in a type of intervention called applied behavioral analysis, or ABA. Evoke calls itself a “school alternative.”

Denver Public Schools and the family’s health insurance company agreed to pay — despite previously rejecting a similar placement.

“A lot of this feels like dumb luck,” Schneiderman said.

Evoke, she said, has been life-changing. Now that she’s not picking her son up midday, she’s able to work full-time again. And her goofy 13-year-old eighth grader, who loves video games, science fiction audiobooks, and skiing with his parents, is thriving.

He does ABA — which Schneiderman describes as “work-reward, work-reward” — eight hours a day and has both a one-on-one aide and a caseworker. He’s able to do schoolwork for 20 minutes without getting upset, and he’s working on not arguing with his teacher.

His meltdowns now happen once a month instead of five or six times a week, she said.

But that progress means his time at Evoke is coming to an end.

Because he’s doing so well, Schneiderman said the school district wants him back in public school. That probably means Thomas Jefferson High, which offers the same type of small program he had at Merrill — but in an even larger school with about 1,300 students.

“As a parent, that is terrifying. Absolutely terrifying,” Schneiderman said. “There’s no in-between options that we can find. We can’t figure out what our next step is.”

KFF Health News’ Rae Ellen Bichell and The Colorado Sun’s Erica Breunlin contributed reporting.

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Erin Schneiderman’s 13-year old son walks the family dog, Ernie, in their Denver neighborhood near City Park.

Colorado promises $70 million over 3 years, hopes to see 12 new facility schools open

2023-05-11T10:58:00+00:00

Colorado passed a new law this spring intended to fix the facility school shortage by bolstering funding and encouraging more schools to open.

The measure signed by Gov. Jared Polis last month will increase funding for facility schools by nearly $19 million next year, then by $23 million in 2024 and $28 million in 2025. Lawmakers and legislative staff are predicting that four new schools will open in each of the next three years, which would mean a 40% increase in schools statewide.

The crux of the bill is a change in the schools’ funding model. The state currently funds facility schools based on a daily per-student rate of $55, which hasn’t been enough money for schools, especially small ones, to keep the doors open. Facility schools also get tuition from school districts for students in special education. The tuition ranges this year from $75 to $348 per day.

Under the new model, schools will also get base funding intended to support operational costs and staff pay. The smallest schools will get the largest increase.

It works out to 2.6 times the funding that facility schools receive under current law. But how much Colorado ends up spending depends on how many schools actually open.

The old funding model wasn’t working because enrollment at facility schools can vary dramatically, with kids moving back and forth between facilities and public schools in the same school year. The amount facility schools were paid depended on the number of kids in attendance on designated count days. Added to that is the fact that facility schools range in size from 70 students to fewer than 10, which makes it hard to piece together a staff and budget based on a per-student daily rate.

“In the rural areas, if you only have one or two kids that don’t really have anywhere else to go, they’re going to be in a facility,” said Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat, chair of the Joint Budget Committee and prime sponsor of the legislation. “It’s hard to operate a facility school … for two or three kids, eight kids.”

Three-quarters of facility schools operate at a deficit, according to a Colorado Department of Education survey of schools statewide.

Besides new funding, the other key parts of the law are supposed to help school startups navigate a complicated system regulated by three state agencies. Right now, the state human services department licenses schools in day treatment or residential programs, while the state health department licenses those in hospitals. The law creates a new category of facility schools called “specialized day schools” and a new way for them to get licensed, which is intended to help small groups of parents create new options.

Schools will have to earn accreditation from the state facility school board in order to receive funding under the new law, which will lead to greater oversight and better tracking of student outcomes, Zenzinger said.

And the law sets up a state “technical assistance center” that will help school districts, especially in rural areas where there is no alternative school, create a plan to serve kids with behavioral health needs. The center would train local teachers and staff to operate classrooms for kids with high-level needs who otherwise would have to attend school in another town.

“We’re just not going to be able to have a facility school in all instances,” Zenzinger said. “So you have to use what is available to you, which would be the regular public school system, which if the student had the right supports and if the teachers and the educators had the right supports, it could totally work. Right now, though, they don’t, which means it’s not working.”

The law also sets up a grant program that allows facility schools to save money by banding together to pay for things like food and janitorial services, technology, security, and transportation.

Jennifer Brown is a co-founder and reporter at The Sun, where she writes about mental health, child welfare and social justice issues. Contact Jen at jennifer@coloradosun.com.

This Colorado elementary school nearly closed. A math makeover helped it stay open.

2023-05-05T20:59:26+00:00

In 2019, Minnequa Elementary in Pueblo was on the brink of closing because of low test scores and declining enrollment. Today, the school is off the state’s “watch list,” has the state’s top “green” school rating, and recently won a $50,000 award for exceptional growth in math.

So, how did a school where only 8% of students scored proficient on state math tests in 2019 change course?

Principal Katie Harshman says it was a combination of factors, including a good math curriculum, regular coaching for teachers, constant data analysis, and a shift to having some upper elementary teachers focus only on math, while others teach reading and writing. Using state grants and federal money the school receives because it serves many students from low-income families, Minnequa also tapped outside experts, including the Relay Graduate School of Education and a math consulting group called 2Partner.

Harshman and her team say the yearslong math push has given students a better understanding of key concepts, pushed them daily to articulate how they solve problems, and pumped up their math confidence.

Minnequa students now post some of the highest rates of academic growth in the state, showing more year-over-year progress on standardized tests than the vast majority of their Colorado peers. Those gains are what earned Minnequa and 11 other Colorado schools state “Bright Spot” awards this spring — each coming with $50,000 in leftover COVID relief funds.

Educators and policymakers statewide are pushing to improve math instruction after sharp declines in scores on state and national tests during the pandemic. This spring, lawmakers passed legislation to offer after-school tutoring in math, expand teacher training, and encourage schools to choose high-quality math curriculum. State leaders also paid to provide a digital learning tool called Zearn Math to Colorado schools.

The work that has unfolded at Minnequa over the last five years illustrates how effective instruction can translate into student achievement.

Harshman and her colleagues say there’s more to do. While the share of students who are proficient on state math tests has more than tripled to 26% in four years, It’s still below the state average.

“We’re not done. We’re still going to keep going,” said Leslie Ortega, a fourth grade math teacher at Minnequa.

Still, after the threat of closure, the school’s progress is gratifying.

“It’s been like the light at the end of the tunnel,” Ortega said. “It just shows us what we as a whole school can accomplish.”

Coaches step in

A few weeks before state tests were given this spring, Harshman stood in the back of a fifth grade classroom watching carefully as the teacher reviewed fractions. She noticed that students weren’t answering in full sentences as they should, and as they would be expected to on parts of the upcoming test. Harshman caught the teacher’s eye, brought her hands together and pulled them apart — a reminder that students needed to stretch out their responses into complete thoughts.

“It’s a very silent signal. It’s nothing dramatic,” she said.

This kind of real-time coaching — by Harshman, the school’s math coach Christy Vasquez, and outside consultants — has become the norm at Minnequa over the last several years.

The idea is to provide on-the-spot feedback through a whispered suggestion, a quick side conversation, or a few minutes of co-teaching so teachers can practice immediately.

“I’m not there to be like, ‘Ah-ha! Gotcha!’ I’m just there for support,” said Vasquez, who started as a teacher at Minnequa six years ago and took the math coach job last year.

Jeanette Valdez, a fifth grade teacher who grew up in Pueblo and lives just two blocks from Minnequa, said it’s been nerve-wracking at times to have so many people stop into her classroom to observe and coach — sometimes even top district administrators.

“I told myself that all they’re there for is to make me better and that’s my whole reason for being a teacher,” she said.

All the feedback — a coach was in her classroom practically every day last year — has helped her improve, she said.

These days, when students work on math problems independently, she’s in “aggressive monitoring” mode. That means she’s walking through the classroom to watch how students are solving problems and exactly where they’re getting stuck. Previously, she’d watch students work, but wasn’t checking for anything specific.

“I had to learn to be all up in their business …. and to really hone in on what it is I’m looking for,” she said.

Creating math specialists

One of the biggest changes at Minnequa in recent years has been having some teachers in third through fifth grade specialize in math instruction — a practice often called departmentalization.

That means teachers like Ortega and Valdez teach math to all the students in their respective grades, while colleagues take on literacy instruction.

“I think it’s the best. I really do,” said Ortega. “I’m able to focus on one subject. I’m able to really dig deep into the math data and the math lessons.”

She said the switch has also given her more time for planning each day — 80 minutes, up from 40 previously. And while five years ago, she might have spent planning time cleaning her classroom, Ortega said Harshman ushered in a different expectation — that teachers use the time to look at data on each student’s strengths and needs.

Alongside the departmental structure, consultants have helped teachers organize their daily math block so students are actively doing math most of the time rather than listening to the teacher. That has meant tweaking the school’s math curriculum, EngageNY, which the school adopted about six years ago when it was rated “red,” the state’s lowest rating.

Vasquez, Minnequa’s math coach, said the curriculum is high quality, but contains a lot of material. Consultants for 2Partner helped teachers identify the most critical parts and pare down the program’s long teacher-led lesson introductions.

Brianna Mazzella, a consultant with 2Partner who’s worked with Minnequa staff for four years, also dissects Colorado math standards with teachers to ensure they’re covering key pieces and building a solid foundation for the next big skill.

In April, she met with a fifth grade teacher to talk about long division, a skill students will be expected to master in sixth grade. They talked about the need in the last month of school to ensure students have a conceptual understanding of what division is, the language of division, and how estimation and knowledge of place values can give meaning to the rote rules that students also learn.

Mazzella said she wasn’t surprised by Minnequa’s math growth on state tests or that it earned a green state rating last fall. She knew how much work teachers did and saw the results in student work.

With a closure threat like the one Minnequa faced, she said, “You either rally or you don’t, and that building rallied.”

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado Democrats unveil property tax relief proposal with promise to protect school funding

2023-05-01T22:19:11+00:00

Gov. Jared Polis and Colorado legislative leaders announced a deal Monday to provide property tax relief to homeowners and businesses while limiting the hit to school funding.

Lawmakers have exactly a week to move the bill through both chambers of the Colorado General Assembly, where Republicans have slowed the movement of bills to a crawl with extended floor debates.

That bill would place Proposition HH on the November ballot. Then Colorado voters would need to give their approval.

“What really makes this proposal special is that while we can save Coloradans money on property taxes in the short and the long term, we can also at the same time protect the funding for our schools or fire districts or local governments that we all rely on every day,” said Senate President Steve Fenberg, a Boulder Democrat.

The governor’s office provided reporters with a two-page summary of the proposal. However, neither the actual bill nor the fiscal analysis was available Monday afternoon.

Proposition HH would reduce the assessment rate for both primary residences and commercial and agricultural properties. The assessment rate determines how much of a property’s value is subject to taxation.

It also would limit the annual growth of property tax collections to roughly the rate of inflation — except for school districts, which could continue to benefit from rising home values.

The proposal also would not tax the first $40,000 of home value for most homeowners. People 65 and older and disabled veterans who qualify for the so-called homestead exemption would get $140,000 of home value tax free and could retain that tax break even if they move, potentially making it easier for some people to downsize. The current homestead exemption exempts half of the first $200,000 of home value and requires the owner to have lived in their home for at least 10 years.

Without any property tax relief, the average Colorado homeowner is likely to pay about $1,068 more this year, roughly $89 more each month if they pay their taxes with their mortgage. Under the proposal, that increase would be just $401 this year, closer to $33 a month.

At the same time, voters would be asked to let the state keep some revenue above the limit set by the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights. Under current law, state government cannot grow by more than the rate of inflation plus population, and any tax collections above that from Colorado’s strong economy must be returned to the taxpayers.

Proposition HH would let the state keep an additional 1% above that cap and use that money to backfill local governments — such as school districts, fire districts, water districts, and hospital districts — that stand to lose some property tax revenue. Voters have rejected past efforts to eliminate TABOR refunds, though this proposal is more modest than previous attempts.

In 2024-25, that would add about $167 million more to a state budget of about $40 billion. The state’s TABOR surplus — the amount that needs to be returned to taxpayers as additional refunds — would shrink from $2 billion to $1.8 billion.

This system would be in place for the next 10 years if Proposition HH were to pass.

Colorado schools are funded with a mix of local property taxes and state money. After determining how much money per student each school district should get according to a formula, the state is supposed to backfill whatever local taxes don’t generate.

But when state lawmakers decide they can’t afford to meet that obligation and still pay for other budget priorities, they have withheld money — $10 billion over the last 13 years — in a move known as the budget stabilization factor.

Voters in many school districts have also approved additional property taxes to make up for lost state revenue and cover programs like counselors, arts and music, school nurses, or higher teacher pay.

That means any discussion of property tax relief has the potential to hit school district budgets hard, even as many families and school employees struggle to keep up with rising costs. (Renters won’t be getting any relief this session after a bill to allow cities to adopt rent control or rent stabilization died in committee, though Polis said his proposal would prevent property tax increases from being passed on to renters.)

Homeowners across the state are receiving updated property valuations this week that average 33% more than they did two years ago — and as high as 60 to 70% more in some mountain communities. These valuations are based on market snapshots from summer 2022, when the state’s real estate market was at its peak. Since then, with higher interest rates, home sales have dropped and home prices have declined slightly.

In anticipation of significant increases in property values, Polis promised relief in his State of the State address. Lawmakers are also hoping to fend off a number of competing ballot measures.

By reducing assessment rates, lawmakers would reduce the amount of property value subject to local taxes.

But by exempting school districts from caps on how much tax collections can increase year over year — and by increasing the amount of money the state can use to backfill lost local dollars — the measure would soften the impact on school funding.

Polis, Fenberg, and state Sen. Chris Hansen were flanked by advocates for education and progressive fiscal policies in support of the proposal, as well as several homeowners and small business people who talked about how they were feeling the pinch of higher taxes.

Jen Walmer of Democrats for Education Reform called the proposal a “win-win for schools and communities” and Amie Baca-Oehlert, president of the Colorado Education Association, said it would help teachers and school staff whether they own or rent.

Also present were business groups such as Colorado Concern and the Denver Metro Chamber of Commerce.

No Republican lawmakers attended the announcement. In a press release, Republicans blasted the “eleventh hour” plan and questioned why their Democratic colleagues had killed or slow-walked Republican-sponsored property tax relief plans.

“The Democrats cannot treat TABOR like an ATM machine to resolve the state’s financial issues, most of which are self-inflicted,” House Minority Leader Mike Lynch said in the press release. “The people of Colorado should be skeptical of the Governor’s hastily introduced plan with only one week left in the session.”

Lynch, a Wellington Republican, called it a “sugar-coated plan” and said it is “concerning the Governor has no PLAN B if it fails.”

Scott Wasserman, executive director of the progressive Bell Policy Center, said the proposal doesn’t solve school funding, but it does address two major concerns his organization had with other property tax relief proposals. People who own homes with lower values would benefit more than those whose homes are worth more, and funding for key services is maintained.

Leaders of the groups that represent school boards and superintendents said they appreciated that the proposal calls out the need to protect school funding, but said they’re waiting to see the actual bill before taking a position.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Parents who don’t speak English would have more access to translated documents under Colorado bill

2023-04-28T00:08:05+00:00

Leer en español.

The personalized education plans that spell out how a school intends to support a student with a disability can run dozens of pages and be full of technical language.

And in many Colorado school districts, parents who speak a language other than English don’t see a copy of their child’s plan in the language they understand best until they’re being asked to sign a legally binding final version.

A bill in the Colorado legislature would change that, requiring that final education plans be translated, as also required by federal law, and allowing parents to request draft documents in their preferred language. A separate school finance bill would allocate $500,000 to offset school district costs for translating more documents.

By law, parents are a part of the team that comes up with each student’s educational plan — known as an IEP or individualized education program — alongside teachers and other school professionals. And federal law requires that the final version of an IEP be translated into a language parents can understand.

But community organizers and parent advocates said that’s too late in the process for parents to play their role effectively. Parents need to be able to understand draft documents and information from assessments so they can ask questions and provide feedback to the teachers who work with their children, they said.

“Non-English-speaking parents are signing legal documents that they cannot understand and are not able to participate in the decision-making process to support their children,” said Natalia Alvarez, an organizer with the Colorado Statewide Parent Coalition who has worked with Spanish-speaking parents in the Boulder Valley School District to secure more translation.

Bri Buentello, director of government affairs for the advocacy group Stand for Children, is a former special education teacher. She said hearing from parents was a critical part of the IEP process, in particular for students with autism. Parents could provide valuable information about what works and what doesn’t for their child, and parents and teachers could work together to support a student’s learning and behavior.

“An IEP isn’t a good IEP unless the parents are providing their input,” Buentello said.

House Bill 1263 received broad bipartisan support in both chambers.

Democratic state Reps. Lorena Garcia and Mary Young are sponsoring the bill. Garcia also serves as the chief executive officer of the Colorado Statewide Parent Coalition. Young is a retired special education teacher.

In the Boulder Valley district, officials already are doing a phased rollout of expanded translation services for IEP meetings. Special Education Director Michelle Brenner said the district previously offered oral translation of the main points in an education plan but didn’t provide written translation of draft IEPs or assessments of students’ skills and challenges.

School staff were responsible for calling interpreters off an approved list, and sometimes that task fell through the cracks.

After hearing over a period of years from parents and advocates that many parents felt like they couldn’t participate meaningfully in IEP meetings, the school district revamped its process, starting with three bilingual schools and then expanding to all the schools in Lafayette, where there’s a larger concentration of Spanish-speaking families.

“Even though we met the rules and the letter of the law, hearing that our families could not meaningfully participate, we wanted to do something about it,” Brenner said.

Don McGinnis, manager of translation and interpretation services for the district, said this meant centralizing the request system so that it just takes a few seconds for school staff to make a request, changing timelines to make sure documents can be translated and proofread with care, and developing large databases of appropriate terminology and legal language in Spanish.

“Removing those barriers means schools are using the services more, and parents feel more comfortable asking for them,” McGinnis said.

Where the district once spent $35,000 a year on IEP-related translation and interpretation services, it expects to spend more than $100,000 this year and possibly more going forward, as the service expands to all schools.

The district also has conducted training for teachers to improve communication with parents and sought out parent feedback on how the new system is working. Expanded services are new this year, but anecdotally, Brenner said, schools are making more requests for translation and interpretation, including more requests for interpretation for phone calls between teachers and parents.

McGinnis encouraged any district looking to expand translation of special education documents to meet with parents and ask them what they need.

“They need to figure out face to face what needs are not being met,” he said.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

How a new law will help incarcerated Coloradans reduce their sentence through a college education

2023-04-27T16:00:00+00:00

On April 12, Colorado Governor Jared Polis signed House Bill 1037 into law.

When the law goes into effect in August, incarcerated people convicted of nonviolent offenses in Colorado can gain one year of “earned time” — time off their sentences or period of parole — for completing an associate or bachelor’s degree, 18 months for a master’s degree, two years for a doctoral degree, and six months for a credential or certificate that requires at least 30 credits.

The number of prison education programs in Colorado and the United States is expected to grow in the next few years with the return of Pell Grants — the federal financial aid for low-income students — for people in prison as of July 1. Pell Grants were eliminated for people in prison with the 1994 federal crime bill. Out of a prison population of around 16,000, only 32 women and 87 men in the Colorado Department of Corrections were enrolled in formal college classes at the end of 2022, according to data Open Campus obtained in a records request.

The bill’s primary sponsor is Rep. Matthew Martinez, a Monte Vista Democrat, who is serving his first term in the Colorado house. The goal of the bill, he said, is to incentivize incarcerated people or people who are on probation to pursue education. The bill won’t be retroactive and will only apply to those who earn degrees or certificates going forward.

Open Campus recently talked with Martinez about the new law he sponsored.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

How did you make the leap from higher education to the Colorado state legislature?

I worked in higher education for about 9½ years before I came [to the legislature]. I originally started at Adams State University running their veterans program, and that was actually my first dive into the incarcerated population.

Can you talk a little bit about how you drew on your background in prison education to craft House Bill 1037 and give a brief overview of what the bill entails?

I really tailored this off of my previous work, specifically with the prison education program. Other states have done some version of this. California has a very similar program to this where they grant six months off a sentence for all incarcerated students per degree that they earn. When I started in the legislature, I [thought] the timing is right if I do it this session, especially with the onset of Pell Grants coming back for incarcerated students in July. I crafted this legislation off of California.

Associate and bachelor’s degrees are potentially available through existing programs with state and federal funding. So does the bill mean that there’s talk of expanding access to graduate programs in Colorado prisons? [Editor’s note: Pell Grants can only be used for first-time undergraduate degrees. Adams State currently offers one of the only master’s programs in prison via correspondence, but it’s only available to students who are able to self-pay.)

I totally want expansion … But I think that this sets the ground level and says that this can be done. Also crafted in the bill is the cost savings that this is going to generate since we’re not incarcerating as many people. I didn’t really want that to go back into the general fund. I was like, ‘how do we craft this to make sure that it’s still beneficial to this population?’ So one amendment that got added on in the senate, with my senate sponsor, Sen. Julie Gonzales, who has been an amazing advocate for this population for many years, is to take all of that cost savings and give it directly to the higher educational institutions that are offering these classes so that way they can continue to expand.

One of the criticisms of this bill is that only people who’ve been convicted of nonviolent offenses are eligible. Can you talk a little bit about that? Is this the stepping stone to expand earned time opportunities to more people in the future?

So in regards to that, I really wanted to take a step towards this. Something I’ve always wanted to do [is] when we push this to do a state study and show its effectiveness. Again with onset of Pell and all the reporting that the institutions are going to have to do, the data is going to be readily available. I think that with these nonviolent offenses, you’re talking a lot shorter sentences, and you’re going to see that return on investment really, really quickly, especially including the parole and probation piece.

What do you see as the role of state legislatures in expanding prison education, particularly as it relates to Pell coming back?

We’re primed. We’re in a position that we haven’t been since the ’90s. And we’re able to actually address this issue and have multiple delivery formats at our fingertips to really be able to do true rehabilitation for the students.

Do you have any sense of how many people will actually be able to take advantage of the programs that would allow them to earn time off?

It’s hard to say. We tried to do as much fiscal analysis as we could on that but because it’s a brand new thing, and we haven’t had anything in comparison in 30 years, it was a little bit difficult. When I was at Adams State, I used to say to my staff that every student that has not been able to take courses for the last 30 years but wanted to is now potentially eligible.

A version of this Q&A will appear in College Inside, a newsletter on prison education produced by Open Campus. Chalkbeat Colorado partners with Open Campus on higher education coverage.

Charlotte West is an Open Campus national reporter covering the future of postsecondary education in prison. Got a story tip or a question? Please send it along.

Colorado special education gets long-awaited funding boost

2023-04-22T00:30:55+00:00

Tammy Johnson oversees special education services in five rural school districts in southwest Colorado as the executive director of the Uncompahgre Board of Cooperative Educational Services.

And she also puts in time as a preschool special education teacher — doing assessments, writing student education plans, supervising classroom aides — because there’s no one else to do the job.

Administrators in the districts she serves “know that I’m not available in my office to put out fires now that I have to leave my office to work in Norwood with preschool kids,” she said.

A long overdue boost to Colorado special education funding is buying Johnson some relief soon. By pooling their share of new state funding, the UnBOCES and the five school districts plan to hire an experienced preschool special education teacher at $56,000 a year.

“And oh my gosh, we might be able to pay our folks a little salary increase, enough for them to stay,” Johnson said.

The additional funding comes from the 2023-24 state budget and a related special education funding bill and enables Colorado to meet funding commitments it made in 2006 but never honored.

The formula developed back then proposed that school districts get $1,250 for every student with an individualized education plan and another $6,000 for students whose needs cost more to meet, such as students with autism or specific learning disabilities, students who are deaf or blind, those with traumatic brain injuries or who have significant emotional disabilities.

But instead of meeting that obligation, Colorado lawmakers essentially funded special education out of budgetary leftovers. As recently as 2018, Colorado was paying school districts less than a third of what lawmakers had promised for special education students.

State Sen. Rachel Zenzinger has pushed to steadily increase special education funding each of the last five years. In 2019, she argued that increasing special education funding was even more important than paying for full-day kindergarten. (Kindergarten, a top priority for Gov. Jared Polis, won out.)

Last year, Zenzinger and state Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, a Weld County Republican, secured the first inflationary increase since 2006 for all special education students, for whom districts were reimbursed $1,750 this budget year, a 40% increase.

This year’s budget pledges $6,000 for each higher-needs student, the amount set in 2006 but never met. All told, special education funding is increasing about 13.4% to $340 million.

Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and the chair of the Joint Budget Committee, said securing funding was a matter of political will.

“Once we exposed this problem, it was really hard to not fix it,” she said. “Our children are entitled to this, and in order to be successful, we need to provide them resources.”

Colorado also has a lot more money to work with thanks to a strong economy, one-time federal dollars, and rising local property values that have taken pressure off the state education budget.

The special education funding bill passed the House and Senate with broad bipartisan support and awaits Polis’ signature. It’s sponsored by Zenzinger, Kirkmeyer, state Rep. Cathy Kipp, a Fort Collins Democrat, and state Rep. Lisa Frizell, a Castle Rock Republican.

The extra funding still leaves school districts on the hook for about two-thirds of more than $1 billion in total costs to educate students with disabilities. The federal government promised back in the 1970s to pick up 40% of the cost but only reimburses school districts about 14% of their real costs, with the state picking up about 20%.

Lucinda Hundley, who heads the Consortium of Directors of Special Education, said school districts are grateful for the additional money, but they also need lawmakers to understand it’s a fraction of the cost. School districts are legally required to provide special education services, so unreimbursed costs come out of the general education budget.

A study group last year decided against making major changes to how Colorado funds special education, but Hundley said she hopes the state takes another look at how much it invests in special education and considers what a fair share would be between the state and districts.

Rob Gould, a Denver special education teacher and president of the Denver Classroom Teachers Association, said low funding has exacerbated a shortage of special education teachers and special service providers such as speech language pathologists, occupational therapists, and school psychologists.

“We do not have enough teachers or support staff to serve our students the way they deserve. At every turn, special education educators rise to the occasion, but the state’s lack of investment has exacerbated the educator shortage,” he told lawmakers this month.

Gould described one teacher who quit after her caseload rose to 40 students because she was the only special education teacher in her building.

“She left the profession entirely so she could spend time with her kids on the weekend,” he said.

Staffing shortages and high workloads sometimes mean students don’t get the services they’re owed. In just one recent example, the Colorado Department of Education found that Denver violated federal requirements by failing to provide speech therapy to more than 1,000 young students.

Colorado’s educator shortage survey found that 17% of open special service provider positions went unfilled last school year, compared to just 8% of classroom teacher openings. Year after year, special education teachers are among the hardest to hire.

Johnson, the BOCES director, cobbles together services uses independent contractors and virtual appointments. If money were no object and she could offer competitive salaries to go with sweeping views of the San Juan Mountains, services would look a little different.

“I would have a psychologist in every building,” she said. “I would have a social worker in every building. I would have a speech pathologist in person. I would have release time for my teams to plan. If we could meet some of our students’ needs proactively rather than reactively, it would make a difference.”

In voting to move the bill out of the House Education Committee, state Rep. Mary Young, a Greeley Democrat, said she started working as a special education teacher before there was even a federal law requiring that schools serve students with disabilities. In all those decades, special education had never been adequately funded, she said.

“The people who do special ed do it because their heart is in it,” Johnson said. “Growing up, my brother couldn’t come to school with us because they didn’t have a program for him. That’s why I’m doing this.

“But I’m in my 27th year and funding hasn’t come close to catching up, and it’s a travesty that we have to do it on the backs of general education students who are also struggling.”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

CMAS, PSAT, and SAT sticking around: Colorado won’t reduce testing requirements

2023-04-21T22:51:03+00:00

Colorado won’t seek to reduce standardized testing or get waivers from federal testing requirements anytime soon.

The sponsors of a bill that aimed to reduce the burden of standardized testing and encourage school districts to experiment with new ways to measure student achievement withdrew the legislation this week.

Groups that support education reform and test-based school accountability — ideas with which Gov. Jared Polis and many Democrats align — had opposed the bill. It’s also not clear how receptive the federal education department would have been to a waiver request.

State Rep. Eliza Hamrick, an Arapahoe County Democrat and retired teacher, said she brought the legislation because she’s seen pressures around testing have a negative impact on education. She’s also been impressed with the work of Colorado school districts that have participated in a pilot around innovative local accountability systems. She wanted to secure federal funding to continue that work and expand it to new districts.

Many school district leaders said they don’t oppose standardized tests, but the current testing regime takes up weeks of time without providing much actionable data.

House Bill 1239 would have required Colorado to reduce testing to the minimum required under federal law, seek waivers to reduce testing further, and apply for grants to promote local experimentation.

Colorado students take English language arts and math tests in third through eighth grades, the PSAT in ninth and 10th grade, and the SAT in 11th grade, as well as science tests in fifth, eighth, and 11th grades.

Other than the PSAT, these tests are required under federal law, though some educators question whether the tests need to be as long and involved as they are.

A social studies test given to a sampling of fourth and seventh graders — required by state but not federal law — already is set to be eliminated this year.

Colorado law also requires other assessments, such as tests to identify struggling readers in early elementary school, that the bill may have eliminated.

Co-sponsor state Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat and former school board member and teacher, said she recognized the desire among many education advocates to keep certain tests that aren’t required by federal law, such as the early reading assessments and the PSAT.

The legislators said they have received assurances that a task force looking at potential changes to the school accountability system will consider how Colorado uses standardized testing and look closely at the results of the local accountability pilots.

The state system rates schools mostly based on test scores, as well as factors like graduation rates and college enrollment. The experimental local programs have incorporated other measures, such as school climate, the quality of instruction, and student engagement.

Education advocates say they support a more nuanced look at what makes a good school, but they want data that allows for consistent comparisons across schools and districts as well as across time.

House Bill 1241, which would create the school accountability task force, passed the House with broad bipartisan support. It’s due for a hearing in the Senate Education Committee Wednesday.

The task force would produce a final report in November 2024, and the legislature wouldn’t take up recommended changes until 2025.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Expulsion hearing officers would get more training under Colorado bill

2023-04-21T21:33:46+00:00

The hearing officers who decide whether to expel Colorado students who have broken school rules or state laws could soon have to undergo more training.

A bill that aims to give students some protections in the expulsion process cleared its first legislative hurdle Thursday. House Bill 1291 received unanimous bipartisan approval from the House Education Committee.

The bill is a scaled back version of legislation that sponsors withdrew earlier this month after stiff opposition from school districts. The brief hearing and broad support for the new bill was in sharp contrast to how the more expansive version of the legislation was received.

“We started out trying to fundamentally change the way kids and families are treated in this process,” said bill sponsor state Rep. Serena Gonzales-Gutierrez. “This bill is a starting point to create a more equitable process.”

To become law, the bill needs to move through the full House and the state Senate in the next two weeks.

Democratic sponsors Gonzales-Gutierrez of Denver and state Rep. Junie Joseph of Boulder fear that expulsion is overused in some school districts. They want students’ full circumstances, such as unaddressed learning disabilities and past traumatic experiences that can shape behavior, to be considered when school districts are taking the extreme step of removing a student from the classroom.

They also want to make sure students understand what they’re accused of and have the opportunity to review the evidence and defend themselves.

The bill is backed by advocates for students with disabilities and children who have been involved in the criminal justice system, as well as Denver Public Schools. The Colorado Association of School Executives is registered as opposed in state lobbyist filings but did not testify against the bill.

Attorney Elie Zwiebel with the Colorado Juvenile Defender Center told lawmakers that the youngest child he’s ever represented in an expulsion proceeding was 7 years old. He said he’s seen behavior as minor as throwing a pencil across a room toward a trash can cast as “assault with a deadly weapon” to make the case for expulsion. In another example, he said a student was expelled for giving his sibling, who attended the same school, a black eye in a fight that occurred at home.

If the bill becomes law, it would require that hearing officers undergo training in applicable state and federal law, adolescent brain development, the effects of trauma, and recognizing the impacts of disabilities. Hearing officers may be independent contractors, or they could be a top administrator, an attorney for the district, or the superintendent.

For students with identified disabilities who are facing expulsion, the school district already must consider whether the behavior in question is related to the disability. That doesn’t always happen as it should, advocates said, but there are also cases where a student doesn’t have a formal IEP, but their history and behavior strongly suggest they have a disability. In other cases, students who aren’t getting the help they need in the classroom become intensely frustrated and act out.

Advocates hope that more training will lead school districts to consider alternatives to expulsion in those cases.

The bill requires the Colorado Department of Education to develop the free training. School districts can also show that the training they already provide meets the same criteria.

The bill also requires that parents and guardians receive information about the reason for an expulsion at least two days before a hearing and encourages school districts to consider alternative ways to address student behavior and safety concerns.

The bill also clarifies the standard of proof in expulsion proceedings to say that school districts must demonstrate that it’s more likely than not that the offense occurred.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Amended Colorado school finance bill promises to fully fund K-12 within two years

2023-04-20T04:21:40+00:00

This might be the last year that Colorado lawmakers hold back money from K-12 schools to fund other budget priorities.

Legislators have toyed with the idea of fully funding Colorado schools several times in recent years, but always held back amid economic uncertainty. While Colorado’s constitution requires school funding to go up each year by the rate of population and inflation, lawmakers haven’t met that requirement since the start of the Great Recession.

Since 2009, Colorado has withheld more than $10 billion from its schools.

Now the school finance act that passed unanimously out of the Senate Education Committee Wednesday includes a provision that would require the state to fully fund K-12 schools starting in the 2024-25 budget year.

The bill also contains a provision to fund state-authorized charter schools at a level similar to other schools starting in 2024-5. District-authorized charter schools get a cut of locally raised tax dollars. State-authorized charter schools do not.

Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican and bill sponsor, called these provisions the “within-striking-distance amendments.” Lawmakers could still abandon these promises next year — particularly if economic conditions change — but moving to write them into law is a significant step.

The school finance act also will include even more money for 2023-24 than originally proposed after an impassioned appeal from Weld County Republican state Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer.

“It’s time for the state Senate and this General Assembly to let the governor and the rest of the state know, no more B.S., no more balancing the budget on the backs of students,” she said. “We’re going to set a priority, and it’s called education.”

Kirkmeyer, who serves on the Joint Budget Committee, pointed out that the state education fund has nearly $1.3 billion, and that Democrats have funded a host of new programs since they took control of the legislature in 2018.

“We pay for people’s bus passes, we pay for people’s utility bills, we pay for people’s rent, we pay for hygiene products, we pay for business licenses, we pay for health insurance,” she said. “We darn well ought to pay for education and put our children first.”

The money to fully fund K-12 education would come from a mix of savings in the state education fund and new revenue. Colorado has so much money in the state education fund because lawmakers slashed school funding in 2020 in anticipation of a COVID-related recession that never materialized. When revenues came in above projections, lawmakers socked much of the money away.

State Sen. Janice Marchman, a Loveland Democrat and teacher, found Kirkmeyer’s argument persuasive. She pointed to widespread teacher shortages, salaries that haven’t kept pace with inflation, students still recovering from learning disruptions, unmet mental health needs in schools, and safety fears. Meanwhile, federal pandemic funding will expire in 2024.

“There is no reason for our state to have a rainy day fund if we don’t recognize that we’re in a rainy day,” she said.

The additional money means the withholding for 2023-24 — known as the budget stabilization factor — would be just $141 million or 1.5% out of a more than $9 billion K-12 budget.

A decade ago, lawmakers withheld 18% of the money that should have gone to schools.

State Sen. Rhonda Fields, an Aurora Democrat, recalled that early in her legislative service, funding was so limited schools were talking about charging students to ride the bus. The prospect of eliminating the budget stabilization factor feels like entering a final frontier.

“I’m looking at Star Trek,” she said. “We can go to places we’ve never gone before. We can meet new people. We can fund our schools.”

At the same time, she said state government has a lot of responsibilities beyond education.

Joint Budget Committee Chair Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat and bill sponsor, cautioned lawmakers that education funding commitments will continue to rise and that covering costs next year could require drawing as much as $415 million from the state education fund.

Analysts warn of a looming structural deficit, when growth in state spending, including on mandatory programs, will run up against caps imposed by the Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights or against a recession.

Colorado is also in the process of developing a new way to measure student poverty and may change how it distributes money among schools, changes that may require more funding to avoid hurting some districts.

Meanwhile, funding Charter School Institute schools similarly to other schools is expected to cost more than $42 million. Lundeen said it’s an issue of fundamental fairness. State-authorized charter school students include new immigrants, pregnant and parenting teens, and other students who need significant support, yet these schools have had less money per-pupil.

But unlike the local revenue that districts share with their charters, there’s no dedicated funding source for state-authorized charters.

The school finance act still needs to pass the full Senate and the House and could see yet more changes. It’s the only bill other than the budget that lawmakers must pass before they adjourn May 8.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado school finance act boosts K-12 spending, steers clear of formula changes

2023-04-19T12:00:00+00:00

Colorado’s school finance act would boost K-12 funding next year to more than $9 billion — $150 million more than described in the recently finalized 2023-24 budget and a 7.5% increase from this year.

“The change to school finance is historic,” said Joint Budget Committee Chair Rachel Zenzinger. Average per-pupil spending is proposed to reach $10,579, a 10% increase from this year.

The bill could set Colorado on the path to fully funding its schools according to constitutional requirements by the 2024-25 school year. Zenzinger said an amendment will lay out a two-year process to eliminate the practice of diverting K-12 dollars to other priorities, known as the budget stabilization factor.

The school finance act would also set aside money for rural districts and those with limited property wealth and give more assistance to charter schools authorized by the state, which miss out on local revenue-sharing.

But the school finance act also kicks the can down the road — for at least one more year — on any bigger changes to how Colorado distributes money to K-12 schools.

Lawmakers on a special school finance committee had proposed in November to take on a major rewrite of Colorado’s school funding formula. Instead, the committee concluded its work after five years without recommending changes to the General Assembly.

Most districts opposed changing how the state distributes money to schools without significantly increasing the overall education budget. That made a formula rewrite a heavy political lift in a session already consumed with contentious fights over gun control, housing policy, and access to abortion and gender-affirming care.

But Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat who also served on the school finance committee, saw another opportunity in the school finance act — an annual bill separate from the budget that dictates how education money gets distributed.

Zenzinger had proposed using the school finance act to tweak the formula to send more money to rural districts and small urban and suburban districts and to send less money to large districts serving better-off communities.

By taking money from the state education fund, which functions somewhat like a savings account, lawmakers could have ensured every district saw an increase, Zenzinger said. But districts that traditionally have been disadvantaged by the current funding formula would have come out ahead.

“That was a proposal we put on the table, but the K-12 lobby rejected it,” Zenzinger said. “They were just really nervous about making a permanent change.”

Instead, the school finance act proposes to keep the existing funding formula and convene a new task force to take on the unfinished work of the school finance committee.

School funding formula widely seen as unfair

Colorado’s 1994 school funding formula sets a base for per-pupil funding and then makes adjustments based on factors such as how many students live in poverty or are learning English, the size of a district, and the cost of living.

But the formula gives far more weight to cost of living than it does to student needs, with the effect that wealthier districts often get more money than those serving high-poverty communities.

There is widespread agreement that this formula is unfair — and also widespread resistance to change.

“Everyone is dealing with staff shortages, everyone is dealing with inflation and the impact of that on our staff,” said Bret Miles, executive director of the Colorado Association of School Executives. “This was not the time to say it would be OK to have some districts not get as much of an increase.”

While per-pupil spending is going up, many school districts are losing students and face tough budget decisions even with more state funding. Districts like Jeffco Public Schools, which Zenzinger represents, benefit from the cost-of-living factor and are using those dollars to ease the budget hit from lower enrollment.

Miles praised Zenzinger and the other bill sponsors for hearing the concerns of school districts and changing course. There’s less than three weeks to go before the legislature adjourns, not enough to work through the implications of any changes, he said. Meanwhile, lawmakers still may take up property tax changes this session that would leave districts with fewer local dollars.

Some advocates, though, see a missed opportunity.

“I was hoping they would do something more interesting with $150 million than pump it into a formula that everyone knows is bad,” said Leslie Colwell of the Colorado Children’s Campaign.

Both Miles and Colwell said the task force may make progress where the committee could not.

The committee was made up of legislators, while the task force would be made up of school administrators, educators, advocates, and finance experts. And it would have a narrow charge, to recommend specific changes to the funding formula and to study how much Colorado should spend on K-12 education, known as an adequacy study.

“It’s a scary question to ask because you may get back a number that says, ‘Wow, we have a long way to go,’” Miles said.

Budget stabilization factor could be be phased out

Colorado’s constitution requires that school funding increase every year by the rate of inflation plus population. But every year since the Great Recession, lawmakers have withheld money to pay for other budget priorities. This withholding, known as the budget stabilization factor, adds up to more than $10 billion.

This budget year, lawmakers withheld $321 million, about 3.7% of base K-12 spending. The school finance act proposes a $171 million withholding for the 2023-24 budget year, less than 2% of K-12 spending.

Zenzinger said she plans to ask for an amendment that would eliminate the withholding entirely next year. Gov. Jared Polis had called for a three-year plan.

The school finance act also would set aside $30 million for rural schools to mitigate their higher costs and smaller student populations. Colorado rural schools have received similar annual payments since 2017.

Zenzinger said her intention is for this to be the last year with a “one-time” rural allowance and that going forward rural schools will get more through the funding formula.

The school finance act would put $23.4 million into a matching fund to help school districts with low property wealth get more benefit from local property tax increases known as mill levy override. The fund was created last year and seeded with $10 million.

The school finance act also allocates:

$2.5 million to charter schools authorized by the state Charter School Institute to make up for local tax revenue that isn’t shared. Coupled with money pledged in the budget, these schools will get an extra $27 million next year.
$1.1 million for universal screening to identify gifted and talented students
$500,000 for school districts to translate draft versions of individualized education plans or IEPs into parents’ home languages.
$300,000 to reimburse school districts for costs associated with replacing Native American mascots.

The school finance act gets its first hearing Wednesday in the Senate Education Committee.

The school finance act and the budget are the only two pieces of legislation the Colorado General Assembly must pass before adjournment.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado bill would add protections for students facing expulsion

2023-04-13T23:38:32+00:00

Some Democratic lawmakers want more protections for Colorado students facing expulsion — including training for administrators and a guarantee that families will get at least two days to review the case against their child.

The bill is a scaled-back version of legislation that was killed earlier this month after widespread opposition from school district administrators who feared that limiting expulsions would make schools less safe. That bill would have made it harder to expel students for things they did outside of school and would have given students more due process rights.

The effort to limit expulsions comes amid debate about school safety and discipline. Educators have reported more student behavior problems in the wake of pandemic closures, while rising community violence has shown up repeatedly at the schoolhouse door. Advocates for youth, though, worry that removing students from school cuts them off from positive influences, derails their education, and makes it more likely they’ll end up in the criminal justice system.

Democratic state Rep. Serena Gonzales-Gutierrez of Denver and state Rep. Junie Joseph of Boulder are sponsoring the legislation. Gonzales-Gutierrez has spent her career in the child welfare and juvenile justice system in various capacities.

“I’ve seen firsthand what happens to kids who are not afforded due process in the school system and then put on a trajectory toward more system involvement,” she said.

House Bill 1291 would clarify that school districts have the burden of proving by a preponderance of evidence that a student violated state law and school district policy, that alternative remedies aren’t appropriate, and that keeping the student out of school is the only way to preserve the school’s learning environment.

Schools would have to show that it’s more likely than not that the student committed the offenses of which they are accused. It’s the same burden of proof that’s used in most civil lawsuits.

The bill also would require that school districts provide all the evidence they plan to use in an expulsion hearing to a student’s parent or guardian at least two business days before the hearing.

And it would require that hearing officers complete a training that covers topics such as child and adolescent brain development, trauma-informed practices, restorative justice, bias in disciplinary practices, and applicable state and federal law.

Over hours of testimony in support of the earlier bill, current and former students described being kicked out for behavior that stemmed from abuse and neglect. Others described being expelled for fights that happened over the summer or for being a member of a group chat in which someone else made a threat.

Barbara Garza, now a social worker at AUL charter school in Denver, described being expelled as a student. She later went on to earn her master’s degree at the University of Denver so she could help kids like herself.

“Adults always made me feel like school was not for me,” she said. “I always heard, ‘She just doesn’t try hard enough.’ During that time, I was trying hard.

“I had a lot of responsibilities. I was experiencing abuse. But adults had already made up their mind about who I was going to be and what box I fit into. I felt like people were using my behavior as a child to define what kind of adult I would be.”

State data from the 2021-22 school year shows that about a third of expulsions were for assault, weapons offenses, or felonies. The other two-thirds were for violations related to drugs and alcohol, defiance and disobedience, or destruction of school property. The single largest category — 214 out of 794 expulsions — was “detrimental behavior.”

Gonzales-Gutierrez had originally hoped to make it much harder to expel students for nonviolent offenses or for behavior that occurred off school property, such as a fight at the mall, unless administrators could show a “substantial nexus” with the school setting. She also wanted to allow students to cross-examine witnesses and have other rights they would have in a court setting.

That bill already faced a difficult path forward, with strong opposition led by the Colorado Association of School Executives, which represents superintendents, principals, and other administrators. They said expulsion is already a last resort, and they carry a heavy responsibility to keep an entire community safe. State law leaves school districts legally liable if they overlook known threats, and someone is harmed.

Then on March 22, a student who was on probation for a weapons charge and who had previously been removed from the Cherry Creek School District shot and wounded two administrators at Denver’s East High School. The student later died by suicide.

Two weeks later, Gonzales-Gutierrez withdrew her original bill, asking that the House Education Committee postpone it indefinitely, but pledged to bring back some protections for students facing disciplinary action.

She said her bill would not have changed anything about what happened at East High School. The bill still would have allowed expulsions for violent offenses and weapons-related offenses. And Denver Public Schools never sought to remove the student, who was on a safety plan that required daily searches.

She said the focus needs to be on providing more mental health services and other support.

“We are failing our students,” she said. “We failed that young man who took his own life and caused harm to others.”

She hopes this bill is a “fresh start” to the conversation.

CASE Executive Director Bret Miles said he appreciates the change in approach, though his group still has concerns about the most recent legislation. He’s not opposed to training or guaranteeing families time to review evidence, he said, but in general he thinks the current system is working.

Anything that would make it harder to expel students puts administrators in a difficult position, he said.

“What has become incredibly clear over the last few weeks is the impossible job principals have to work with all their families to balance the educational needs of all students,” he said. “Principals care about the most disenfranchised kid in their school. They want that kid to get what they need. And then they have other parents saying, ‘Why is my student put at risk or suffering or in harm’s way or afraid?’”

While administrators aren’t on board yet, the approach of Colorado’s Democratic legislature stands in contrast to other states where lawmakers are making it easier to kick disruptive students out of school. No such bills have been introduced in Colorado.

The expulsions bill is scheduled for a hearing before the House Education Committee April 20.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado offers K-12 schools Zearn digital math learning platform at no cost

2023-04-12T12:30:00+00:00

Colorado is making the digital learning program Zearn Math available for free to schools statewide as part of a broader effort to address gaps in math learning that widened during the pandemic.

Gov. Jared Polis has set aside up to $6 million in pandemic relief money to pay for licenses for the digital program and to pay for printed materials for schools that adopt Zearn’s math curriculum Training also will be available to teachers in how to use the new platform.

Math scores on state and national standardized tests declined during the pandemic, with sharper drops in math than in reading and writing. Both educators and policymakers are focused on how to help students gain skills they missed out on during three disrupted years.

Last month, Polis and lawmakers unveiled a bipartisan $25 million proposal to offer widespread after-school tutoring in math, expand teacher training, and encourage districts to adopt high-quality curriculum. In addition, the initiative included plans for the state to pay for licenses for a digital math accelerator and make them available at no cost to schools statewide.

Polis announced this week that Colorado has selected Zearn Math as the state’s online math program. The state did not request proposals, instead choosing Zearn based on studies and reviews and purchasing it from a software reseller at a set price.

“We are taking an all-hands-on-deck approach to boost student math achievement and make sure Colorado kids have the support and practice they need to excel in math,” Polis said in a press release. “This new access saves school districts and families money and is part of our ongoing work to provide high-quality education for every Colorado student.”

Polis spokeswoman Melissa Dworkin said the governor’s team considered several programs and chose Zearn Math based on studies provided by the company that showed students who used Zearn regularly made substantially more progress than those who didn’t.

Educators who study math instruction and ways students learn through gaming and online platforms said Zearn has positive elements but cautioned that teachers need training and time to learn how to use it well. It shouldn’t be used as a substitute for in-person instruction by well-trained teachers, they said, and teachers need to make sure students are engaged and supported in their learning.

Started by New York teachers and backed by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, the program is used widely in states like Tennessee and Texas. Many New York City schools also use Zearn Math. The program is intended to be used in conjunction with in-person, whole class instruction. (The Gates Foundation is a funder of Chalkbeat. See our funders here. Read our ethics policy here.)

Mary Pittman, president of the Colorado Council of Teachers of Mathematics, said she feels “hopeful excitement” about the plan.

“It is new for Colorado to have access to a program like this across the board,” she said.

She described the platform as offering flexible, high-quality materials built around Common Core State Standards, which are the basis for Colorado’s academic standards. She said Zearn was originally used most often for intervention with students who were far behind in math, but that it also offers a well-regarded comprehensive core curriculum, data that can inform teachers’ daily instruction, as well as lessons that can be used during tutoring or at home.

David Webb, an associate professor of math education at the University of Colorado Boulder who also heads a research consortium on math instruction, said Zearn seems to have good content and be based on solid ideas around math instruction. He worries, though, about relying too much on digital platforms, when it was the lack of interaction with teachers and peers that contributed to learning gaps during online and hybrid school.

“To see it resolved through digital platforms, it rubs me a little bit the wrong way,” he said. “I understand the desire to get back on track and come up with personalized interventions. But to say we’re going to have you spend more time on technology, I think we need a more holistic fix.”

A 2019 Johns Hopkins study found students in some subgroups using Zearn made statistically significant progress but overall results were less significant. Students in schools that used Zearn for more hours a week generally saw more improvement than those that used it for fewer hours. Teachers in the study generally liked the program and felt it supported student learning.

Even so, many teachers reported the format of Zearn — which requires students to work independently and to read, listen, and type responses — made it hard for some students to use.

Meanwhile, students who used Zearn in the study were less likely to express confidence in their math skills compared with students at schools that didn’t use Zearn. A potential explanation, the study authors wrote, was that students may have found the Zearn material “more challenging than previously experienced, which may have affected their feelings toward mathematics in general.”

Webb said these types of findings underscore the importance of coupling digital platforms with instruction from teachers and opportunities for students to work through math problems with their peers. It’s also critical for teachers to get training — something that has become much more challenging as teachers lose their planning periods to cover for colleagues or can’t go to conferences due to substitute shortages, Webb said.

Arturo Cortez, an assistant professor of learning sciences and human development and director of The Learning To Transform (LiTT) Video Gaming Lab at the University of Colorado, said the teachers he works with who already use Zearn love it because it helps them see quickly which students got the lesson and which need more help.

Zearn also has the potential to bridge divides between the home and the classroom and help parents better support their children’s learning, Cortez said.

He cautioned, though, that teachers need opportunities to learn how to use the program, play with it, and think through how it can help their students — not just a perfunctory session to get familiar with the interface. It’s also important to see how — and whether — students engage with the tool.

“With a lot of digital tools, we sit kids in front of them and don’t spend time with them while they are using them,” he said. “What makes them engaging? What makes kids have that commitment? And how do we create environments like that in the classroom?”

Colorado schools can sign up for Zearn Math for the 2023-24 school year.

Chalkbeat Senior Reporter Ann Schimke contributed reporting.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Native American students’ right to wear regalia at graduation protected by Colorado bill

2023-04-07T20:57:55+00:00

Colorado would guarantee the right of Native American students to wear items such as eagle feathers and other traditional clothing at graduation ceremonies through a bill under consideration this year.

Federal law protects Native American religious and cultural rights. But students sometimes run into issues or find flat-out prohibition at schools when it comes to wearing regalia at ceremonies, advocates say. They say families must then fight to make districts aware of the importance of traditional clothing. Or students running into a lack of understanding might choose to skip graduation ceremonies altogether.

Senate Bill 202 would ensure K-12 schools, colleges, and universities create policies to protect Native American students so they don’t run into issues.

Sen. Jessie Danielson, a Wheat Ridge Democrat and co-sponsor of the bill, said she’s heard of school officials telling students they have to hide, remove, or even throw away regalia because of policies that maintain uniformity at graduations. She said some students have even reported school officials touched or confiscated students’ eagle feathers, a cultural and religious symbol.

“This bill clarifies for the school that you do not interfere with this,” Danielson said. “You cannot harass these students and prevent them from wearing their traditional regalia.”

Schools asking Native American students to remove or throw away items is like a school asking a student to get rid of a Jewish or Christian symbol, said Melvin Baker, Southern Ute Tribal Council chairman, during a Monday hearing.

He added that the United States has a history of trying to erase Native American culture, and the bill would ensure students get to honor their identity and their achievement.

“Tribal regalia plays a unique role for graduating native Native students,” Baker said. “These items are often gifted to students by parents or tribal elders in recognition of this achievement.”

The Native American Rights Fund receives many calls every spring from families across the country looking for support on how to ensure they can wear regalia at graduation ceremonies, said Matthew Campbell, the organization’s deputy director. It’s been a few years since he fielded a call from Colorado families, but he said families do sometimes run into trouble with schools.

“Usually, when we reach out to the schools and explain the importance of these items — once they understand — they usually will allow them to be worn,” Campbell said.

In recent years, some states have added teachings about Native American religion and culture. Other changes that try to create more respect toward Native American culture have happened, including a law Colorado passed last year that bans Native American mascots.

Colorado would join eight other states in ensuring Native American students can wear traditional regalia.

Sen. Sonya Jaquez Lewis, a Longmont Democrat co-sponsoring the legislation, said the goal is to make sure that every Colorado district understands.

The bill defines qualifying students as members of a tribe, eligible tribal members, or those of Native American descent. The bill says that immediate family members would also be allowed to wear traditional Native American dress during their students’ graduation ceremony.

Speakers at a Senate Education Committee hearing said traditional dress might include clothing, bracelets, necklaces, or eagle feathers. The bill needs a final vote in the Senate before heading to the House.

The bill doesn’t say how schools will ensure students have the right to wear traditional items, Jaquez Lewis said.

“We leave the details up to the school districts and the schools but what we do in this bill is we set guardrails,” she said.

Some districts have started to create policies.

Cherry Creek School District has created a ceremony for Native American students and is working on graduation ceremony policies, said Aspen Rendon, a partner with the district’s department of equity, culture, and community engagement. The district also has an indigenous action committee working toward creating a more inclusive district, Rendon said.

Jeffrey Chavez, the district’s indigenous and native student community liaison, said it’s important to recognize native traditions, especially in urban districts like Cherry Creek. Ensuring students get to wear their regalia at ceremonies helps carry on traditions.

“That’s how we honor ourselves and our community and family with those traditions,” he said.

Indigenous action committee member Donna Chrisjohn said a principal didn’t allow her son in 2020 to wear Native American regalia at his graduation ceremony. Her son ended up not participating in the ceremony.

She is glad the district is changing and happy to have helped make lawmakers aware of the issue.

“This is so impactful for all families to know that someone will not push back when their child decides that they want to show up as who they really are,” Chrisjohn said. “That’s a huge step in the right direction.”

First lady Jill Biden visits Colorado, calls the state a model for workforce training

2023-04-03T21:02:13+00:00

First lady Jill Biden praised Colorado lawmakers for working across party lines to become a model in providing residents options to get workforce training in a visit Monday to the state’s Capitol.

Biden visited Colorado as part of a national tour to highlight President Joe Biden’s investments and commitment to workforce training and how states have used federal money to prop up programs to help Americans.

First lady Biden, a community college educator, focused mostly on Colorado’s community college programs during her talk with lawmakers at the Capitol. Over the last several years, the state has created programs to get more students to attend college and provide free training for in-demand fields. Biden said the state has become an example for others.

In recent years, Colorado leaders have focused more on educating and training residents, especially because it has relied heavily on bringing in educated workers from other states.

“I ask you to keep going,” she said. “Keep innovating.”

President Biden has made connecting workers to jobs a key part of his presidential agenda and has focused on investments that include pandemic relief money to develop job training in states. The administration has said its goal is to create more good-paying jobs for Americans.

Jill Biden also touted spending in the president’s 2024 federal budget proposal to improve workforce training.

Colorado has used federal money to create several programs in the last year that help residents connect to job training, especially with two job openings for every employee. Gov. Jared Polis has highlighted the need to get residents the skills they need to land jobs.

For example, she highlighted the $26 million in federal relief money Colorado is using to get students free training in health care fields.

The state plans to also expand the program primarily at community colleges over the next two years. A bipartisan bill backed by Polis would spend $40 million over two years to provide free workforce training for other in-demand jobs such as manufacturing, law enforcement, and teaching. Another bill would provide about 15,000 high school students from the Class of 2024 with a $1,500 scholarship to use toward approved training.

The state also put together a committee to focus on how to improve Coloradans’ access to jobs. One of the recommendations, called the Opportunity Now Grants program, provides $85 million to create or expand ideas that bring together industry and schools to create opportunity for students.

First lady Biden also highlighted that universal preschool is a major part of the birth-to-career pipeline that the Biden administration has pushed.

Colorado is set to start its universal preschool program this summer. Colorado also has supported apprenticeship programs, and offers high school students the ability to graduate with a college certificate or degree.

Biden said Colorado has shown there are people on both sides of the aisle who want to help employers find the workers they need.

“There aren’t red ideas or blue ideas,” she said. “They’re American ideas. And you all have been investing in these programs for years.”

State Sen. Jeff Bridges, a Greenwood Village Democrat, said Biden’s visit validates Colorado’s efforts to provide opportunities to more students in the state. He said the state has tried to innovate to get more residents the training they need. He hopes more states look at what Colorado is trying to do.

“It was time that we solved this problem in new and innovative ways,” Bridges said, “and that’s what we’re doing.”

Task force could revamp Colorado’s school accountability system

2023-03-31T12:15:00+00:00

Two bills before the Colorado legislature would spur changes to the system Colorado uses to measure school quality and improve performance. Both bills are in response to an audit of the school accountability system, despite that review finding the system to be “reasonable and appropriate.”

One bill, which enjoys broad bipartisan support, would create a task force to recommend changes to the system. A more controversial bill would seek to dramatically reduce the use of standardized testing.

While finding that Colorado’s school accountability system was working as designed, the audit also raised questions about whether the system lets schools serving mostly middle-class students earn high ratings despite failing their students in poverty or whether all schools have access to the same resources.

“I agree it’s doing what it is designed to do,” St. Vrain Valley School District Superintendent Don Haddad said of Colorado’s 13-year-old school accountability system. “I think what it’s designed to do is problematic.”

Colorado’s school accountability system, adopted in 2009, uses standardized test scores to rate schools and districts.

Students take English language arts and math tests in third through eighth grades, science tests in fifth, eighth, and 11th grade, the PSAT in ninth and 10th grade, and the SAT in 11th grade. Only the PSAT is a state requirement. The federal government requires that Colorado administer the other assessments.

High schools are also judged on graduation rates and measures of college and career readiness. Schools that have several years of low performance face state intervention.

Haddad is backing House Bill 1241, which would create a task force of superintendents, teachers, charter leaders, advocates, and parents to consider questions raised by the audit and recommend changes to the accountability system.

“My hope is that the task force will tackle some really significant structural issues uncovered in the audit,” he said.

Task force bill unites education groups, up to a point

Sponsored by state Rep. Shannon Bird, a Westminster Democrat, the task force bill has broad enough appeal that Republican state Rep. Rose Pugliese asked to be added as a co-sponsor. Groups like Democrats for Education Reform and Ready Colorado, a conservative advocacy group, testified alongside Colorado Education Association and the Colorado Association of School Executives in support of the bill.

Education reform groups initially feared the task force was an attempt to redo the audit and reach a different conclusion.

“The audit in our minds was very conclusive,” said Brenda Dickhoner, president and CEO of Ready Colorado. “It had pretty strong wording that the overall system was ‘reasonable and appropriate.’”

Jen Walmer, state director of Democrats for Education Reform, said after negotiations, she felt confident the task force would be more forward-looking.

“How to better serve students — that’s the lens,” she said.

The current system has its strengths, she said, but it hasn’t created enough urgency around narrowing opportunity gaps or enough sharing of promising practices.

Nicholas Martinez of Transform Education Now said parents want insights into how their children’s schools are working — for all students.

“Are you really a good school when your middle-class white kids are knocking it out of the park and your Black and brown kids are struggling?” he said. “That doesn’t meet my definition of a good school.”

The other proposed bill is likely to face more opposition. House Bill 1239 seeks to significantly scale back standardized testing and give more room to districts to use their own assessment systems. The bill calls on Colorado to reduce testing to the minimum required under federal law, seek waivers to reduce testing further, and apply for grants to promote local experimentation.

The bill’s legislative declaration notes that the audit uncovered inequities in Colorado’s education system but did not reach a conclusion about whether testing and the accountability system that relies on it “effectively addresses inequities or simply identifies inequities.”

Bill sponsor state Rep. Eliza Hamrick, an Arapahoe County Democrat and retired Cherry Creek teacher, said she saw test prep take up valuable learning time without providing enough useful information.

“It seems like some of the assessments we’re doing at the state level don’t really test or reflect what our kids can do,” she said. “I wanted to allow districts to see which tests they feel are most valuable to evaluate if learning is taking place.”

But education reform advocates fear the bill would take away the ability to make comparisons across schools and districts and identify what’s working and what isn’t.

The task force bill passed the House Education Committee unanimously on Wednesday. The testing bill is set for a hearing before the same committee April 13.

School quality is about more than test scores, critics say

St. Vrain Valley’s schools generally receive high marks, and Haddad is quick to say he doesn’t oppose standardized testing or holding schools to high standards. But the current system gives parents and the general public an overly negative view of school performance, he said, and encourages too much focus on test prep at the expense of other valuable opportunities, from art and music to career education.

Bird said she saw that firsthand when her children’s school canceled its participation in Young AmeriTowne, an immersive experience in which elementary children learn about different jobs and civic roles and then spend a day running their own pretend town.

“These kids would spend a week learning civics, business, and banking, and what it is to be involved in your community — someone got to be the mayor — and that was taken away,” she said. “Because our school needed time to prepare kids and to administer the tests, there was no longer time to take a week off of the calendar to engage in that.”

Critics say the system has to be designed to encourage a fuller set of learning experiences.

But Katie Zaback, vice president of policy at the business education partnership Colorado Succeeds, said she’s seen the accountability system do that. Her child attends a school on an improvement plan, and she’s seen a culture shift, with teachers and administrators working more closely with parents and the school adopting a social-emotional program that puts students in a better frame of mind for learning.

Bird said the task force can bridge these different perspectives.

“We’re making sure that all of these people who care about education are brought together to start talking to one another, come up, lay out your best ideas, and come to some agreement,” she said. “I’m hopeful that will generate ideas that have consensus built into them that really are the basis for good public policy.”

State Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat, chuckled as she said the task force will be “fantastic.” She served on the Denver school board as that district shifted away from previous education reform policies and ditched its own school rating system. The district now uses state ratings and still hasn’t developed a more nuanced school information dashboard that parents and community members said they wanted.

“There’s something to be said about most people believing there’s something we could fix about our current system,” she said. “Those fixes are going to be the hard work.”

The task force would start meeting by September and produce a final report by November 2024. Lawmakers could consider recommended changes in the 2025 legislative session.

Changing standardized testing won’t be easy

Hamrick sees her bill to reduce the testing burden, co-sponsored by Bacon, as complementary to the task force work. Colorado has had a number of school districts engaged in local experiments around more nuanced accountability work. Federal funding would allow those experiments to continue and expand and generate new models, Hamrick said.

But Walmer said it would be more appropriate for the task force to consider whether Colorado should make changes to its testing regime, rather than pursue those changes first.

And Dickhoner said she saw the bill as an attack on testing more broadly.

“We really do see the bill as seeking to dismantle the statewide assessment system,” she said. “Without valid and comparable state data, you lose the ability to effectively allocate resources and you lose the ability to identify bright spots.”

As introduced, the bill also would allow districts to opt out of assessments that track how well early elementary students are reading. Hamrick said she’s working with advocates to understand concerns.

Democratic Gov. Jared Polis is aligned with education reform ideas and has been more supportive of small tweaks rather than big changes.

Lori Cooper, CASE president and assistant superintendent of student achievement in the Fountain-Fort Carson district in Colorado Springs, said districts already do assessments throughout the year that provide much of what parents and the state might want to know about student progress, without adding state tests that stress students out.

“When it takes five days to complete, it really affects a kid’s grit and resilience, and there are only so many ways you can create value around an assessment,” she said. “Everyone is trying to help kids understand the why.”

Even if the bill passes, securing federal support could be challenging. Without a waiver, Colorado would risk millions in federal funding.

Scott Marion, president and executive director at the National Center for the Improvement of Educational Assessment, said he sees little appetite at the federal level for waiving testing, and programs that support innovation have stringent requirements.

The Innovative Assessment Demonstration Authority allows for local experimentation and waives some federal requirements but doesn’t provide any money to support that work. New systems have to eventually scale up to the state level or be abandoned entirely, Marion said. Nor is the federal government currently accepting new applications.

The bill would require Colorado to apply for a Competitive Grant for Local Assessments, which is expected to accept applications this year. That program does come with money to support pilot programs — about $3 million over four years — but participants still have to administer all the usual tests alongside those local experiments.

“It’s like, do you want to climb Longs Peak in Colorado?” Marion asked. “Yeah, it’s there. You could do it. But you better be in shape, and you better not get caught in bad weather. It’s the same thing here. You can do this, but it’s not for the faint of heart.”

Correction: This story has been updated to reflect the correct grades in which students take standardized science tests.

Chalkbeat National Managing Editor Sarah Darville contributed reporting.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

State budget clears Colorado Senate, school funding TBD

2023-03-30T22:00:00+00:00

Chalkbeat subscribers got this story early in their inboxes as part of Capitol Report. To get more legislative updates, plus education news from around the state delivered to your inbox Monday through Friday, sign up for our free email newsletter.

Thursday morning the Colorado State Senate signed off on a nearly $39 billion state budget without answering the big question Colorado educators and advocates want to know.

How much money will K-12 schools get?

Colorado’s constitution requires that K-12 spending increase every year by the rate of population plus inflation, but since the Great Recession, lawmakers have clawed back money for other priorities. This is the infamous budget stabilization factor, or B.S. factor.

This year the withholding was $321 million out of more than $8 billion in education spending. The proposed budget holds that constant for the next fiscal year. Another $321 million that won’t go to Colorado classrooms.

But that’s not the end of the story.

Joint Budget Committee Chair Rachel Zenzinger said the B.S. factor almost certainly will be smaller than outlined in the budget, but the changes will happen in the school finance act.

The state budget and the school finance act are the only two pieces of legislation the General Assembly must pass before adjournment.

In past years, lawmakers have left a placeholder in the budget to reduce the B.S. factor. This year that’s not necessary because lawmakers likely will draw from the state education fund. Right now there’s a lot of money in this fund, but that money won’t be replenished easily once it’s spent, especially if there’s a recession.

Using the state education fund is like using a savings account to pay for a new monthly bill. Short-term, it works. But the state’s obligated to keep funding education at whatever level it sets this year, plus inflation. Lawmakers will be weighing their risk tolerance against the urgency of increasing school funding, especially as federal pandemic relief money is running out.

Meanwhile, Republicans have kept up the pressure on Democrats.

Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen offered four unsuccessful amendments on the Senate floor to eliminate the B.S. factor entirely in this year’s budget using different combinations of reserves and expected new tax money.

Lundeen said lawmakers have failed to fully fund schools even as the state budget has nearly doubled since 2009.

“We’ve added 167 additional state programs,” he said. And unlike education, he said, “they’re not constitutionally mandated. They’re just good ideas that we show up to the party with as legislators.”

Zenzinger called Lundeen’s amendments “smoke and mirrors,” and said budget committee members are working on how to fund schools responsibly.

“It’s not because we don’t care about education, it’s not because we don’t want to properly fund education, it’s not because we don’t like teachers, and it’s not because we don’t see this as an essential function of government,” she said.

As written, Colorado’s $38.5 billion proposed budget would increase per student K-12 spending by 8.4% — an increase that barely keeps pace with inflation — and gives a boost to higher education while also allowing public colleges and universities to increase tuition by as much as 5%, the highest increase in the last five years.

The Senate did adopt a few amendments this week that touch on education, including $14 million for two grant programs that would pay for behavioral health care professionals and school counselors.

What’s next? Those amendments will get stripped out before the budget goes to the House, where representatives will start fresh and put their own stamp on the budget next week.

Then the Joint Budget Committee decides the actual form of the budget before sending it back to both chambers for a final vote. Charged with producing a balanced budget, they usually reject all amendments but occasionally include a few that have widespread support.

As Colorado reels from another school shooting, study finds 1 in 4 teens have quick access to guns

2023-03-27T23:24:23+00:00

This story originally appeared in Kaiser Health News and is republished with permission.

One in four Colorado teens reported they could get access to a loaded gun within 24 hours, according to survey results published Monday. Nearly half of those teens said it would take them less than 10 minutes.

“That’s a lot of access and those are short periods of time,” said Virginia McCarthy, a doctoral candidate at the Colorado School of Public Health and the lead author of the research letter describing the findings in the medical journal JAMA Pediatrics.

The results come as Coloradans are reeling from yet another school shooting. On March 22, a 17-year-old student shot and wounded two school administrators at East High School in Denver. Police later found his body in the mountains west of Denver in Park County and confirmed he had died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. Another East High student was fatally shot in February while sitting in his car outside the school.

The time it takes to access a gun matters, McCarthy said, particularly for suicide attempts, which are often impulsive decisions for teens. In research studying people who have attempted suicide, nearly half said the time between ideation and action was less than 10 minutes. Creating barriers to easy access, such as locking up guns and storing them unloaded, extends the time before someone can act on an impulse, and increases the likelihood that they will change their mind or that someone will intervene.

“The hope is to understand access in such a way that we can increase that time and keep kids as safe as possible,” McCarthy said.

The data McCarthy used comes from the Healthy Kids Colorado Study, a survey conducted every two years with a random sampling of 41,000 students in middle and high school. The 2021 survey asked, “How long would it take you to get and be ready to fire a loaded gun without a parent’s permission?”

American Indian students in Colorado reported the greatest access to a loaded gun, at 39%, including 18% saying they could get one within 10 minutes, compared with 12% of everybody surveyed. American Indian and Native Alaskan youths also have the highest rates of suicide.

Nearly 40% of students in rural areas reported having access to firearms, compared with 29% of city residents.

The findings were released at a particularly tense moment in youth gun violence in Colorado. Earlier this month, hundreds of students left their classrooms and walked nearly 2 miles to the state Capitol to advocate for gun legislation and safer schools. The students returned to confront lawmakers again last week in the aftermath of the March 22 high school shooting.

The state legislature is considering a handful of bills to prevent gun violence, including raising the minimum age to purchase or possess a gun to 21; establishing a three-day waiting period for gun purchases; limiting legal protections for gun manufacturers and sellers; and expanding the pool of who can file for extreme risk protection orders to have guns removed from people deemed a threat to themselves or others.

According to the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, firearms became the leading cause of death among those ages 19 or younger in 2020, supplanting motor vehicle deaths. And firearm deaths among children increased during the pandemic, with an average of seven children a day dying because of a firearm incident in 2021.

Colorado has endured a string of school shootings over the past 25 years, including at Columbine High School in 1999, Platte Canyon High School in 2006, Arapahoe High School in 2013, and the STEM School Highlands Ranch in 2019.

Although school shootings receive more attention, the majority of teen gun deaths are suicides.

“Youth suicide is starting to become a bigger problem than it ever has been,” said Dr. Paul Nestadt, a researcher at the Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions.

“Part of that has to do with the fact that there’s more and more guns that are accessible to youth.”

While gun ownership poses a higher risk of suicide among all age groups, teens are particularly vulnerable, because their brains typically are still developing impulse control.

“A teen may be bright and know how to properly handle a firearm, but that same teen in a moment of desperation may act impulsively without thinking through the consequences,” said Dr. Shayla Sullivant, a child and adolescent psychiatrist at Children’s Mercy Kansas City. “The decision-making centers of the brain are not fully online until adulthood.”

Previous research has shown a disconnect between parents and their children about access to guns in their homes. A 2021 study found that 70% of parents who own firearms said their children could not get their hands on the guns kept at home. But 41% of kids from those same families said they could get to those guns within two hours.

“Making the guns inaccessible doesn’t just mean locking them. It means making sure the kid doesn’t know where the keys are or can’t guess the combination,” said Catherine Barber, a senior researcher at the Harvard University T.H. Chan School of Public Health’s Injury Control Research Center, who was not involved in the study. “Parents can forget how easily their kids can guess the combination or watch them input the numbers or notice where the keys are kept.”

If teens have their own guns for hunting or sport, those, too, should be kept under parental control when the guns are not actively being used, she said.

The Colorado researchers now plan to dig further to find out where teens are accessing guns in hopes of tailoring prevention strategies to different groups of students.

“Contextualizing these data a little bit further will help us better understand types of education and prevention that can be done,” McCarthy said.

Colorado’s $38.5 billion budget proposal increases education funding but must contend with inflation

2023-03-27T23:21:40+00:00

Colorado’s $38.5 billion proposed budget would increase per student K-12 spending by 8.4% — an increase that barely keeps pace with inflation — and gives a boost to higher education while also allowing public colleges and universities to increase tuition by as much as 5%, the highest increase in the last five years.

The $38.5 billion proposal for the 2023-24 fiscal year represents an 8.9% increase over the current budget. Despite the increase, Colorado lawmakers have less wiggle room this year compared with last year when the state was flush with federal relief funding.

High inflation over the last year has reduced overall state spending power, and state fiscal experts expect tighter budgets in the next few years. State law will require Colorado to return an estimated $2.7 billion in tax revenue to taxpayers at the end of the fiscal year rather than roll that money into future public investments.

The bill introduced Monday in the Senate officially kicks off two weeks of amendments and lengthy debates in both chambers. The six-member Joint Budget Committee then usually rejects most of those amendments before sending it back to the legislature for final approval. Passing a balanced budget and the school finance act are the only actions lawmakers must take before May adjournment.

The budget calls for a 5.7% increase in base education spending to $8.9 billion and an 8.4% increase in average per-pupil spending to $10,404.

Most of the new money, though, will come from higher-than-expected local property tax collections due to rising home values. The budget calls for state spending to go down $158 million next year and funding from local taxes to increase $644 million.

Colorado’s constitution requires education spending to go up each year by the rate of population growth plus inflation. State law determines how much money each school district will get per student as well as total spending, then the state makes up whatever isn’t generated by local taxes.

Student enrollment is going down, so most of the increase in school spending is driven by inflation. In real terms, funding is basically flat.

Colorado’s budget also fails to increase education funding as much as the constitution mandates. Instead, as usual, lawmakers propose to divert money to other priorities in a budget maneuver known as the budget stabilization factor. This withholding has totaled more than $10 billion since the Great Recession.

Next year’s budget calls for withholding $321 million, the same amount as this year. Some of that money could be restored through the school finance act before the budget process is finalized.

Gov. Jared Polis in January proposed withholding of $201 million, more than one-third less than the legislative proposal, which would nudge total K-12 funding above $9 billion.

In recent years, Republicans have pushed unsuccessfully for amendments to add more funding to K-12 while casting other Democratic priorities as less important.

The budget also calls for $14.8 million to create a new Office of School Safety. That money includes grants for school-level safety improvements, as well as additional resources for threat assessment, emergency response, data analysis, and an ongoing working group.

School improvement efforts would get $1 million more for a total of $7.5 million. The extra money would go to eight to 10 schools that have just a few years of low performance on standardized tests in the hopes that early support can avoid state-mandated interventions later.

Charter schools authorized by the state Charter School Institute would share $24.5 million in extra funding, a 44% increase from this year. Districts are required to share money from local tax increases with the charter schools they authorize but not with state-authorized charters within their borders. The state allocation makes up about 58% of the difference for those schools.

The budget also sets aside $115 million for free meals for most Colorado students. Voters approved the creation of the program, paid for by raising taxes on higher earners, last fall.

Colorado college students could pay more tuition

The budget would boost higher education spending to about $5.8 billion next year, or a 5.1% increase. That total includes other programs such as the state’s historic preservation fund.

For college and university budgets and student financial aid, the proposal calls for $147.6 million more next year.

The budget increase includes $120 million more than current spending for college and university operating expenses and about $27.5 million more for student financial aid to offset rising tuition for in-state students.

The increase is more than the $86 million Polis set aside in his November budget, but less than the $144 million that college leaders sought. In response to Polis, college and university leaders in January said they needed more state funds to cover inflationary increases, increased student support services, and the need to increase wages.

To cover possible gaps in higher education funding, the budget leaves open a larger-than-expected tuition increase.

The state would allow public institutions to raise tuition by 5% — a percentage point more than expected. The University of Northern Colorado would be allowed to raise tuition by 6%.

This is the second year that higher education institutions have successfully lobbied for more funding than what Polis proposed. Last year, however, the state limited tuition increases.

Colorado prepares for free universal preschool

Colorado’s budget also includes $322 million toward the rollout of the state universal preschool program, which will offer 15 hours of tuition-free preschool a week for every Colorado 4-year-old child. Children with additional needs, such as those from lower-income households and those learning English, are supposed to get 30 hours a week of free care.

The application for the program opened in January and the state is marching toward a summer start. The state has seen higher-than-expected interest in the program and may not have money to provide all the extra hours.

Budget documents say the money will cover 25 hours a week for those students, but legislators and legislative staff told Chalkbeat that was an error. The intention is still to offer 30 hours a week for children who would benefit from more time in preschool, they said.

The state budget includes support for the program, such as an additional $5 million for programs that provide therapy to children ages birth to 3 with developmental delays. In addition, the state would spend $311,000 to create a hotline to connect families, caregivers, child care providers, and educators to clinically trained consultants with expertise in early childhood emotional and mental health.

About $4 million would be used to better the department’s licensing application and review process as the program gets underway. Another $3 million would go toward grants for employer-based child care programs.

The budget also would provide about $2.8 million for a statewide equity officer, a liaison to work with governments and tribes, and interpretation services.

Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to explain why budget documents say the state will cover 25 hours a week of preschool for some students, while program rules call for 30 hours a week of free preschool.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado universities could soon admit more out-of-state students if they boost in-state aid

2023-03-24T16:15:13+00:00

In exchange for offering financial aid to more in-state students, Colorado universities soon could be allowed to admit more students from out of state who pay almost twice as much.

Universities such as the University of Colorado Boulder have been allowed to admit two out-of-state students for every student they admit who participates in the Colorado Scholars Program. The number of students who can be double-counted has been capped under current law to 8% of in-state students in the incoming freshman class.

House Bill 96, which is close to becoming law, would raise that cap to 15% of in-state freshmen in the program. That higher cap would create an incentive to enroll more Colorado Scholars, who can get $2,500 a year or more in merit aid, so that universities can also enroll more high-paying, out-of-state students.

State officials and others want Colorado colleges and universities to benefit Colorado students as much as possible, since they get taxpayer support. But lawmakers have cut state funding for schools over the years while allowing tuition hikes. That has led schools to look toward out-of-state students to bring in more revenue.

At the same time, the rising tuition has made some students rethink whether universities, especially the state’s flagship, are worth the financial burden, or if they can find a better deal elsewhere.

The bill would likely have the biggest impact on the University of Colorado Boulder, which backs the proposal. State law requires that an average of no more than 45% of incoming freshmen at public universities come from out of state, and CU Boulder is near that limit.

University of Colorado System officials say they would use the increased money from enrolling more out-of-state students to offer Coloradans more merit- and need-based scholarships, and to become more competitive when recruiting in-state students — especially with a smaller pool of college-aged students.

School officials said the university accepts every qualified Colorado applicant. But many Colorado students never end up on campus, and the school is able to consistently enroll only about 80% of Colorado students who were accepted. Last year, however, was an outlier, with the school enrolling 92% of all Colorado students who were accepted.

Colorado funds its public higher ed institutions at some of the lowest rates in the nation, leading colleges to raise tuition and recruit more out-of-state students who can pay more. Meanwhile, Colorado families carry high tuition burdens compared to other states.

Colorado students pay about $30,000 a year in tuition, board, books, and fees. Out-of-state students pay about $57,000.

Across all classes, CU Boulder provides $15.5 million in merit aid for about 4,200 students, school officials said in a statement. It also supports about 1,700 students through a need-based program that pays for a student’s share of tuition.

Officials at the school said enrolling more out-of-state students is a way to sustain and increase that aid.

University of Colorado System spokesman Ken McConnellogue said in a statement the Boulder campus’ primary focus remains on recruiting, retaining, and graduating Colorado students.

“We believe this bill will increase affordability and access for those students while also enhancing our ability to keep Colorado’s top students in the state,” he said.

Colorado isn’t the only flagship school that’s considered how to weigh in-state student enrollment versus out-of-state enrollment, according to Tom Harnisch, State Higher Education Executive Officers Association vice president for government relations.

Because out-of-state students pay higher tuition, universities around the country have lobbied to lift enrollment caps on them as states’ overall spending on higher education has declined in recent years, he said. This year, for instance, North Carolina increased how many out-of-state students its universities can admit.

Similar to what the Colorado bill proposes, some schools have increased merit aid while also increasing the overall number of out-of-state students on campus, he said. The change doesn’t mean there are fewer in-state students, Harnisch added, just a shift in the share of students not from the state.

The bill has passed the House and Senate and needs approval from Gov. Jared Polis. It is sponsored by state Sen. Dylan Roberts, a Democrat from Avon, Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican, and state Reps. Judy Amabile, a Boulder Democrat, and Matt Soper, a Delta Republican.

The bill initially raised eyebrows among some state leaders.

Colorado Department of Higher Education Executive Director Angie Paccione said in February that she didn’t want to see schools become predominantly out-of-state student serving.

But a department spokeswoman said Paccione now believes CU Boulder has demonstrated that all eligible in-state students are accepted at the school — and that accepting eligible resident students is a priority. Paccione no longer has concerns about the legislation.

The bill will also require schools to report how many out-of-state and in-state students schools enroll before the double count occurs, how schools use revenue for the purpose of aid, and where students that qualify for aid come from in the state.

Colorado needs more homegrown talent from its universities, especially because that state has large gaps when it comes to who gets a degree, said Katie Zaback of Colorado Succeeds, which brings together business leaders to advocate for education.

Zaback, the organization’s vice president of policy, said a priority for Colorado Succeeds is to examine what solutions there are to get more Colorado students access to a high-quality education, such as at CU Boulder.

CU Boulder enrolls a group of students that aren’t representative of the state’s high school graduates, she said. And she worries the bill, if it’s enacted, would send a message that Colorado’s best and brightest can only be educated if the state recruits more out-of-state students.

“I wonder if that’s true,” Zaback said. “I wonder what the overall equity implications are.”

Jason Gonzales is a reporter covering higher education and the Colorado legislature. Chalkbeat Colorado partners with Open Campus on higher education coverage. Contact Jason at jgonzales@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado’s dyslexia screening bill likely dead in face of opposition from education groups

2023-03-16T23:49:36+00:00

A bill introduced this month would have fulfilled a longtime dream of advocates for dyslexic children — universal screening for the learning disability so more Colorado students could get the reading help they need.

But before the bill even got a hearing, a key lawmaker signaled it won’t move forward after opposition from some educators and state education groups. That means most young students in the state won’t be screened for dyslexia.

Senate Education Committee Chair Janet Buckner said Thursday by text message that the bill would likely be postponed indefinitely — meaning it will die.

Buckner, who has an adult daughter with dyslexia, said she understands parents’ frustration, but wants to look at existing reading laws to see how they’re working before tackling a dyslexia screening bill.

Advocates for children with dyslexia have pushed for mandatory school-based dyslexia screening in Colorado for years without success. They say the early elementary reading assessments approved by the state aren’t all designed to detect everyone at risk for the learning disability, which means young students fall through the cracks at a time when extra help would do the most good.

But opponents of the bill say it would impose too many requirements as schools continue to recover from pandemic-era disruptions and work to comply with other recent reading-related laws.

Some Colorado school districts, including Boulder Valley and LaVeta, already screen all children in certain grades for dyslexia. The Denver district, Colorado’s largest, recently passed a policy to screen all students for dyslexia by the end of second grade, but leaders there said they wanted to see what happens with the screening bill before hammering out details.

According to the Colorado Department of Education, about 15% to 20% of the population has dyslexia, a learning disability that makes it hard to identify speech sounds, decode words, and spell them. With the right instruction, students with dyslexia can do as well as their peers in school.

More than three dozen states already mandate dyslexia screening.

The screening bill, sponsored by Democratic Sens. Faith Winter and Kyle Mullica, would require schools to screen all students in kindergarten through third grade for dyslexia and other reading problems starting in 2024-25. It would also require screening for preschoolers in school-based classrooms, as well as fourth through 12th grade students who haven’t previously been screened for dyslexia in Colorado, have difficulty reading, or whose parents request it. The bill would also require extra help for students flagged by the screening and that parents be notified about the results.

Lori Cooper, assistant superintendent for student achievement in the Fountain-Fort Carson school district, said she worries the proposed requirements for dyslexia screening and intervention will worsen teacher shortages.

“It is just way above and beyond what is needed,” she said. “We just have to stop piling on for teachers. We’re not going to have any left.”

Lindsay Drakos, a co-chair of the statewide dyslexia advocacy group COKID and one of the people who helped shape the bill, said the legislation isn’t meant to add more screening to most teachers’ plates, but rather to ensure they’re using the right screening tools — those that will simultaneously satisfy current state reading rules and identify kids at risk for dyslexia.

“Prevention is always more cost effective than reaction,” she said.

Some struggling readers get missed

Colorado’s main reading law already requires schools to identify and help students in kindergarten through third grade who are far behind in reading. Teachers must create special reading plans for those students and schools get extra state funding to execute the plans.

About 20% of K-3 students in Colorado have such plans.

The problem is that the reading law doesn’t target all children reading below grade level, just those doing the worst. That means some students with reading problems, including some with dyslexia, fall through the cracks year after year.

Michelle Qazi, the Boulder Valley district’s literacy director, said the district saw signs of this phenomenon after it began a dyslexia screening pilot program for kindergartners at some elementary schools two years ago. About 60% of children who were flagged as having risk factors for dyslexia didn’t qualify for special reading plans because their scores on state-approved assessments were too high.

“That is why … we have to screen every single student [for dyslexia] in the target grade level,” she said. “Otherwise we will miss a lot of students.”

Next week, Boulder Valley will screen all 1,666 of its kindergarteners for dyslexia — marking the expansion of the pilot program to a districtwide effort.

Qazi, who is part of the state’s Dyslexia Working Group, said the district’s pilot screening program proved that dyslexia screening and the follow-up support for kids who have risk factors is doable.

She said statewide dyslexia screening would be a “giant step forward.”

Ombudsman is a sore spot

One component of the dyslexia screening bill that likely helped sink it called for the creation of an independent state ombudsman to examine state reading laws and create a grievance process for parents.

Buckner, along with bill supporters and opponents, all reported that several education groups, including the Colorado Education Association — the state’s main teachers union — and the Colorado Association of School Executives, were offended by a provision that said the ombudsman’s office should have no conflicts of interest or former alliances with those groups.

Cooper, president of the Colorado Association of School Executives coordinating council, said the ombudsman part of the bill was “absolutely insulting” and unnecessary.

Drakos said the goal of that provision was to ensure the ombudsman would put student needs first without being swayed by adult opinions, but acknowledged that the wording sounded more harsh than was intended.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Funding debate ends hopes for designation for colleges serving first-generation students

2023-03-15T18:38:56+00:00

On the surface, the bill had a simple premise — to recognize Colorado universities and colleges that enroll a high number of students who are the first in their family to go to college and communicate to those students that they are welcome on campus.

The mostly symbolic bill, however, prompted a more complicated conversation about whether creating a first generation-serving designation would lead to those schools getting more state funding. In a state that funds its public colleges near the bottom of the nation, any hint at changing the distribution of money raises concerns for university leaders.

Faced with opposition from larger schools that serve fewer first-generation students, the sponsors pulled House Bill 1114 before it went to vote on the House floor.

Bill co-sponsor state Rep. Rick Taggart, a Grand Junction Republican, said he wants to talk more with university leaders and bring the bill back next year. He said it troubled him that the opposition centered on funding concerns when the bill didn’t call for any changes to the higher education funding formula. At the same time, he said he understands why money is a sensitive subject.

“I totally respect the reason that folks are really concerned about the funding formula is that higher education is way underfunded in this state, just severely underfunded,” Taggart said. “If you start messing with the formula, you’re going to rob Peter to pay Paul.”

For university leaders, the bill did place funding under the microscope.

Supporters such as Colorado Mesa University President John Marshall said he hoped the designation would kick off a larger conversation about the money schools need to educate first-generation students who often need more support. Colorado Mesa University and Metropolitan State University of Denver supported the bill and would have almost immediately earned the first generation-serving designation.

In a statement, MSU Denver President Janine Davidson said the school was proud to stand behind the bill.

“While we’re disappointed it didn’t pass, we remain committed to making MSU Denver a vibrant home for those trailblazing students who are the first in their families to go to college,” she said.

Opponents such as Colorado State University System Chancellor Tony Frank said during committee testimony that other schools also serve students who are the first in their family to go to college in their family. He worried that the designation would create unfair considerations later on. A CSU System spokeswoman did not return a request for comment.

The bill passed the House Education Committee unanimously last month, but Taggart and co-sponsor state Rep. Serena Gonzales-Guttierez, a Denver Democrat, pulled the bill from consideration before a full House vote last week.

Taggart said schools should get recognized for what they do for students, and students should know about their options. For example, schools whose student populations are 25% Hispanic or more are designated Hispanic-Serving Institutions. However, that federal designation does come with extra money. Other schools or programs might get special designations for what they’ve accomplished, Taggart said.

Taggart hopes he can find more agreement when he brings the bill back next year. Educating first-generation students will be a big part of how Colorado gets a more educated population, he said.

“I am disappointed because this evolved into a funding discussion rather than sticking to a designation that these universities deserve,” Taggart said.

Colorado bill would encourage, but not require, CPR training in high schools

2023-03-15T15:31:00+00:00

This story originally appeared in KHN (Kaiser Health News) and is republished with permission.

A bill advancing in the Colorado legislature would encourage schools to begin teaching students lifesaving skills before graduation, but critics contend it’s little more than a “feel-good” measure devoid of vital requirements and funding.

Colorado is one of 10 states where laws don’t mandate CPR training for high school students, according to the American Heart Association. In February, the Colorado House passed a bipartisan bill to add training for CPR and how to use an automated external defibrillator, or AED, to the Colorado Department of Education’s comprehensive health education high school curriculum.

But the proposal stops short of requiring public high schools to adopt the revised curriculum, or subsidizing the effort. Instead, they would be strongly encouraged to implement the training on their own.

“The bill is a noble effort and is something that needs to be done,” said Lynn Blake, vice chair of the Eagle County Paramedic Services board. “However, it’s a feel-good law until mandates and dollars accompany it.”

In 2021, Colorado reported 3,727 cases of cardiac arrest — in which the heart abruptly stops beating — to the Cardiac Arrest Registry to Enhance Survival, or CARES, which tracks incidents occurring outside hospitals. This number is likely an underestimate, as the data was collected from less than 80% of the population. Last summer, Colorado became the first state to establish an office within its state health department dedicated to collecting data on cardiac arrest incidents and finding ways to increase survival rates.

Nearly 90% of cardiac arrests experienced outside of a hospital are fatal, according to CARES. CPR can double or triple a person’s chance of survival if performed immediately after the heart stops beating.

So, the more bystanders who know how to administer CPR, the better, said Blake, who was 27 when she was stricken by cardiac arrest. A woman nearby performed CPR on her, and a few minutes later, paramedics arrived and shocked Blake three times with an AED, which saved her life. A 2022 study by the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia found that states that require CPR training in schools have higher rates of CPR being performed by bystanders, thus improving survival rates.

“We have a huge need for people to learn to act quickly in emergency situations,” said state Sen. Janice Marchman, a Democrat sponsoring the bill. “That’s why it would be great to train high school students not just to do CPR, but also to use the AED machines.”

The bill encourages each public school to adopt a curriculum that includes “hands-on” training on performing CPR and using a defibrillator. However, the proposal doesn’t allocate money to school districts to support the training, according to the bill’s fiscal note. A single CPR manikin and AED trainer together cost around $600, according to the American Red Cross store. School districts might be eligible to apply for a comprehensive health education grant, funded by the state education department, to help pay for lessons, Marchman said.

The bill also stops short of making CPR training a graduation requirement for public high schools, leaving Colorado an outlier while 40 other states plus Washington, D.C., command it. Alabama has mandated CPR training for high school graduation since fall 1983, and Iowa has done the same since 2009.

All Colorado public schools are bound by the state’s comprehensive health academic standards, so it’s likely that most schools would abide by the change without making it a graduation requirement, Marchman said.

Colorado Senate Republicans are confident schools will be eager to equip students and teachers with these lifesaving skills, caucus spokesperson Joshua Bly said.

The Colorado Department of Education’s role is to implement policy, not speculate on why CPR and AED training is not mandated in high schools, department spokesperson Erica Grasmick said.

This isn’t the first time Colorado lawmakers have sought CPR training in high schools. A 2012 bill pushed by the American Heart Association tried to mandate CPR and AED training for high schoolers. But the Colorado Association of School Executives opposed the legislation, as its members argued that school districts should be able to “decide what is important at a local level” as they are “tasked with the difficult job of balancing budgets.”

Not mandating CPR and AED training in high schools is a significant loss, said Blake. “If I was the author of the bill, I would require that all students and administrators, teachers, coaches — anyone who is involved with any kind of education — to be trained in CPR,” she said.

Still, Blake sees this bill as a step in the right direction. “Stakeholders are eager to return to the Capitol in coming sessions with an even more robust bill, including CPR and defibrillator requirements and funding,” she said.

KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.

Free college, $1,500 scholarships proposed to fill in-demand Colorado jobs

2023-03-14T23:10:41+00:00

More than 20,000 Coloradans would be eligible for free education in high-demand fields and another 15,000 students from the Class of 2024 would be eligible for scholarships to get training in the toughest to fill jobs, under two bipartisan proposals backed by Gov. Jared Polis.

The proposals build on a program launched last year to offer up to two years of free college for Coloradans pursuing health care jobs. Already more than 2,000 students have enrolled, and leaders hope that with ongoing investment, they can reach many more.

“For every job-seeking person in Colorado, we need to get them the skills to match the amazing opportunities that our economy provides,” Polis said.

In the short term, the proposal expands on Colorado’s system of free college options and the scholarships add to state-funded aid that help offset costs beyond high school.

Long term, however, there’s little guarantee future students will have the same opportunities, with only one-time money set aside for the proposals.

During a news conference, Polis didn’t commit to extending funding when it runs out. He also said he expects lawmakers to review which sectors need workers and to adjust programs to steer students into those fields.

Colorado students could get targeted free college and scholarships

One $40 million proposal would make a two-year community college credential free in fields like elementary education, firefighting, policing, forestry, nursing and construction. The state would use one-time money this year to fund the program for two years.

Lawmakers want to expand a program that makes health care education free for students to include fields such as teaching, firefighting, policing, and forestry.

Colorado has shortages in those jobs. Some of the fields have low starting salaries, making it difficult to attract workers. But they’re also jobs that have high social value.

Polis said making the programs free will help attract students.

He said, “these are all professions that pay better than the unskilled workforce.”

For fields like teaching that require a four-year degree, the free college program would give students a way to get started on their education and save part of the cost.

Lawmakers want the program to benefit over 20,000 Coloradans during the next two years.

The program would cover the cost of enrollment plus books, supplies, and fees.

The program would also cover any costs for training for apprenticeships in areas like the construction trades, including instructor time and instructional materials.

The bill is sponsored by House Speaker Julie McCluskie, a Dillon Democrat, state Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican, and state Sens. Janet Buckner, an Aurora Democrat, and Perry Will, a New Castle Republican.

The second proposal would give scholarships to about a quarter of the graduating high school students in the Class of 2024.

The state would provide 15,000 graduating students a roughly $1,500 scholarship each if they train or study for high-demand fields such as health care, manufacturing, engineering, education, or behavioral and mental health.

The state already provides financial aid to most students who go to a community college or public university. But students could use the scholarship to pursue a wider range of options, including for an apprenticeship or on-the-job training.

Bill sponsors include Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican, Sen. Jeff Bridges, a Greenwood Village Democrat, and Reps. Matthew Martinez, a Monte Vista Democrat, and Don Wilson, a Monument Republican.

Last year’s template for targeted free college

Unlike some states that offer free two-year college — such as Tennessee or Washington — Colorado has a patchwork of options for students to get free training or earn college credit.

For example, Colorado high school students can earn a certificate in a high-demand field before they graduate. Students can also get college credit while in high school or take a fifth year of high school that offers college credit and is paid for by the state.

And last year’s Care Forward Colorado program has shown promise toward expanding free college for at least some fields.

Last year, Polis and lawmakers pushed for free training in health care fields, a proposal that created the Care Forward program with $26 million in one-time federal pandemic relief aid.

The program under the Colorado Community College System has enrolled over 2,000 students at a cost of about $6.1 million, according to system numbers. About 1,000 students have graduated in the first year from the community college system, according to the Colorado Department of Higher Education.

Student participation has varied across the state’s 13 colleges, with some schools enrolling over 500 students and others enrolling less than 100. The programs include pharmacy technician, nurse’s aide, and dental assistant programs.

Colorado Community College System Chancellor Joe Garcia said the expanded program would include money to market the free college programs. He said the state is collecting data on how the program serves students to someday make the case why these programs might need more funding.

For now, the goal has been to ensure students can get job skills, work, and then go back to the community college system if they want to expand their knowledge — and eventually earn more money.

“You don’t just finish your education and go to a job,” Garcia said. “It’s in stages.”

That’s how Karlie Asman, 23, said it’s worked for her under the Care Forward Colorado program.

She said she got her EMT certification last year thanks to the program. She now works part time and volunteers in Franktown to get experience. And she’s back in school again thanks to Care Forward in a paramedic preparation program, which will allow her to take on an expanded role in the health care field as well as earn more money.

She added that thanks to Care Forward she doesn’t have to worry about putting her money toward college costs and instead can focus on earning a living.

“It’s been a huge, huge blessing for me,” Asman said.

Estudiantes de East High marchan contra la violencia armada tras la muerte de Luis García

2023-03-14T01:16:22+00:00

Read in English.

Varios cientos de estudiantes de East High School corearon “¡No más silencio! ¡Fin de la violencia armada!” mientras marchaban hacia el Capitolio del Estado de Colorado el 3 de marzo para pedir a los legisladores que hagan más para restringir el acceso a las armas.

Habían pasado dieciocho días desde que Luis García fuera tiroteado a las puertas del instituto, y dos desde que el joven de 16 años sucumbiera a sus heridas.

Los alumnos portaban pancartas con su nombre y el número 11, el dorsal que llevaba en el campo de fútbol. Guardaron 11 segundos de silencio en su memoria.

Clayton Thomas, que jugó al fútbol con Luis, recordó lo trabajador que era Luis, una cualidad que también describieron sus familiares. Al final de cada entrenamiento, los jugadores podían quedarse 15 minutos más para practicar de forma independiente. Luis se quedaba 30 minutos, dijo Clayton.

“Lo que daría por 15 minutos más con Luis en este momento”, dijo Clayton.

East High Estudiantes Exigen Acción, un grupo que aboga por el control de armas, organizó la manifestación para que coincida con un día de promoción en el Capitolio en apoyo de un paquete de proyectos de ley de control de armas. Los demócratas quieren añadir un período de espera de tres días para todas las compras de armas, evitar que los menores de 21 años compren armas, y ampliar quién puede tratar de quitar las armas de un individuo bajo la ley de “bandera roja” de Colorado.

El impulso de nuevas leyes estatales sobre armas se produce tras el tiroteo masivo de noviembre en el Club Q de Colorado Springs, así como por el aumento de la violencia armada en Denver y en toda la región.

La tarde del 13 de febrero, Luis García fue tiroteado en el East High. La policía de Denver detuvo a otros dos estudiantes de las escuelas públicas de Denver esa misma tarde por otros cargos. Hasta el momento, no han sido acusados del tiroteo.

Luis era el segundo estudiante que sufrió disparos cerca de la escuela de 2.600 alumnos este año académico. En septiembre, East High también fue objeto de una broma de ‘swatting’ que provocó el cierre y la evacuación del centro y dejó a los estudiantes y al profesorado conmocionados.

En la última semana, más de una docena de escuelas de Colorado han sido objeto de bromas sobre tiroteos.

El pasado miércoles, los organizadores cancelaron un foro sobre la violencia armada en el que participan cargos electos locales, después de que se difundiera la noticia de la muerte de Luis.

Fabian Morris, estudiante de segundo año en East, dijo que no conocía bien a Luis, pero que ha conocido a otras personas que recibieron disparos y quería apoyar la causa.

“Solía pensar que la escuela era uno de los lugares más seguros, pero ahora me siento intranquilo”, dijo.

Celes Bufford, alumna de último curso y miembro del consejo estudiantil de East, se hizo eco del sentimiento.

“Estamos aquí porque estamos cansados”, dijo. “No debería haber ninguna razón por la que las armas sean más importantes que los estudiantes, o la gente en general. Nadie se siente seguro”.

Ryan Lo, estudiante de tercer año en East, dijo que se sintió insensible ante el tiroteo hasta que los estudiantes se reunieron fuera de East para depositar flores en memoria de Luis. Fue entonces cuando sintió la pérdida. Ryan señaló que el mismo día en que le dispararon a Luis, un hombre armado mató a tres personas en la Universidad Estatal de Michigan.

Zach Fields, también estudiante de tercer año en East, dijo que la frecuencia de la violencia armada hace que sea difícil de comprender.

“Ni siquiera parece real”, dijo. “Parece una película”.

Erica Meltzer es jefa de la oficina de Chalkbeat Colorado. Cubre temas de política educativa, y supervisa la cobertura de educación de Chalkbeat Colorado. Comunícate con Erica enviándole un mensaje a emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Traducido por Juan Carlos Uribe, The Weekly Issue/El Semanario.

Los estudiantes de East High marcharon al Capitolio del Estado de Colorado el 3 de marzo de 2023 para unirse a un día de defensa de la legislación de control de armas.

At gun violence summit, East High students ask for solutions

2023-03-10T05:35:42+00:00

A week after hundreds of Denver’s East High School students marched to the state Capitol protesting the shooting death of their classmate, a smaller crowd at a student-organized summit asked local officials for solutions to gun violence.

“We shouldn’t have to be here,” sophomore Gracie Taub, a member of the club East Students Demand Action, told the crowd. “Luis should be here.”

Sixteen-year-old East High student and soccer player Luis Garcia was shot just outside the school on Feb. 13 and died from his injuries 2½ weeks later. Denver Public Schools Superintendent Alex Marrero said at the summit that the incident was not the first instance of gun violence in and around Denver’s schools this school year, nor the last.

“It’s not because our hallways are threatening,” Marrero said. “It’s not because our educators are monsters. It’s not what’s happening in our schools. It’s what’s happening in our community.”

The 14 panelists, who also included two Denver city council members, two state lawmakers, three medical doctors, three violence prevention experts, East High Principal Terita Walker, and Denver Police Chief Ron Thomas, agreed that limiting young people’s access to guns should be part of the solution. Parents and family members need to lock up guns at home, they said.

State Sen. Chris Hansen and state Rep. Alex Valdez, both Denver Democrats, referenced other bills that Colorado lawmakers are considering this year, including one to require a three-day waiting period for gun purchases, one raising the age to buy a gun from 18 to 21, and one to add teachers to the list of people who can request someone be banned from owning a gun.

But panelists also agreed that it will take more than laws to curb youth gun violence.

“Violence is always going to exist,” said Felicia Rodriguez, youth violence prevention program manager for the city’s Office of Children’s Affairs. “I think the most important thing that everyone has been expressing here this evening is the importance of building healthy, positive relationships with youth. That’s the impact, from an adult lens, that we need to really focus on.”

Johnathan McMillan, the director of the Colorado Office of Gun Violence Prevention, said young people who have a trusted adult in their life are less likely to be impacted by violence, “whether that’s a law enforcement officer, a teacher, a counselor, a principal, a community member.”

The Denver school board voted in 2020 to remove police officers from Denver schools. East High was one of 18 schools that had an armed officer at the time. Asked whether police should have a larger presence in Denver schools again, both the superintendent and police chief said the answer should come from the students.

“If the youth and the parents of these youth that are going to these schools feel like the solution to having safer schools is to have officers in those schools, then certainly that’s something I will comply with, certainly with the school board’s direction,” Chief Thomas said.

“But I don’t think that the police are the only solution.”

Dr. Joseph Simonetti, a physician and researcher at the University of Colorado who focuses on firearm injury prevention, said having police on campus can lead to an increase in student arrests and tickets. Prior to the removal of school resource officers, data showed that Black students in Denver were disproportionately ticketed and arrested. Since SROs were removed, data shows fewer Denver students have been referred to law enforcement.

The panelists also called for more investment in youth mental health services. Dr. Steven Federico, a pediatrician who serves as the chief government and community affairs officer for Denver Health, said that although the number of Denver Health clinics inside schools has grown over the years, the need for mental health services is “insatiable.”

“It is the number one requested service of our clinical teams,” he said. “It needs to be better funded. It needs to be better staffed.”

Whatever the solutions, Walker, the principal, said they need to come quickly.

“The dream for me is, for the kids I’m looking out at right now and the kids that are doing this work, the immediacy around the response so that they can benefit from and feel the effects of the work that they’re doing,” she said. “We don’t want another kid to be affected.”

Melanie Asmar is a senior reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado, covering Denver Public Schools. Contact Melanie at masmar@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado advocates want to send schools a message: It’s never OK to hit a kid

2023-03-09T21:00:59+00:00

Colorado would ban corporal punishment by schools and day care centers, if a bill proposed by two Democratic legislators becomes law.

The state is one of 22 states that allows corporal punishment in education.

It’s not clear how often it’s used — the state doesn’t collect that data and federal student discipline records show no Colorado cases — but advocates for children with disabilities say they hear from parents who see bruises on their children’s arms, legs, and even faces.

The bill to ban it has the support of disability and mental health advocacy groups that want the state to send a clear message that it’s never OK to hit a child.

“Most people are surprised we still allow it,” said state Sen. Rhonda Fields, an Aurora Democrat who is co-sponsoring the bill. “It’s not the right message we want to send to administrators and schools.”

House Bill 1191 would prohibit an employee or volunteer from using corporal punishment on a child in a public school, a state-licensed child care center, a family child care home, or a specialized group facility. The bill defines corporal punishment as “the willful infliction of, or willfully causing the infliction of, physical pain on a child.”

The bill would require school districts and the Department of Early Childhood to prohibit the practice. The bill passed the House Education Committee Thursday with a 8-2 vote.

The bill is also sponsored by state Rep. Regina English, a Colorado Springs Democrat. English also wanted an amendment to define corporal punishment in athletics, such as how far a coach could push a student during a workout. That amendment failed in committee.

State Rep. Rose Pugliese, a Colorado Springs Republican, said she supports the bill and want to work with English on the athletics definition and how to define emotional or psychological punishment.

English said the bill focuses on positive experiences for students and “we’re going to reshape amendments to make it fair for everyone.”

Colorado doesn’t collect data on corporal punishment, according to the Colorado Department of Education. The federal Office for Civil Rights didn’t record any complaints from Colorado about corporal punishment of students in 2017-18, the most recent data available.

Nationwide, the Office for Civil Rights reports boys are about four times as likely as girls are to be punished with corporal punishment. Black students also receive corporal punishment at twice the rate of their peers. The majority of corporal punishment reports come from Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Texas, according to the federal office.

Emily Harvey, Disability Law Center attorney team leader, said students with disabilities are also at high risk. Her office regularly gets calls from parents about physical pain inflicted on their child, she said. Those incidents often aren’t investigated, she said.

The bill makes a statement that physically hurting children, especially students with disabilities, in Colorado is unacceptable, she said.

The bill “is just one extremely small step towards creating more inclusive and welcoming, and therefore safer, schools in Colorado,” Harvey said.

This is at least the second effort by Colorado lawmakers to ban corporal punishment. In 2017, a bill cleared the House, but stalled in a Republican-controlled Senate. Republicans didn’t explain their vote.

At the time, sponsors and advocates couldn’t point to a single complaint about corporal punishment used in Colorado schools, a sticking point for some Senate Republicans.

Advocates say this year’s bill is backed up by a body of research that physical discipline leads to a greater risk of health risks such as depression, antisocial behavior, and suicide. School corporal punishment also may cause more aggressive behavior or low self-esteem in students.

To address behavior, Colorado schools should strengthen their support for students, said Vincent Atchity, executive director of the advocacy group Mental Health Colorado.

As a good example, he pointed to the I Matter program, which can provide a student six free virtual counseling sessions. He is pushing for the state to provide mental health assessments and referrals for students in sixth and through 12th grade.

Fields said her bill would move Colorado away from violence against students and toward respect, she said.

Allowing school staff to hit students, she said, “is not appropriate when we have a nation and a state that’s dealing with an increase of violence and crime and where kids don’t feel safe in schools.”

Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include discussions in the House Education Committee.

Math scores dropped during the pandemic. Colorado plans to invest in tutoring, teacher training.

2023-03-07T18:15:00+00:00

Gov. Jared Polis and lawmakers hope to reach 50,000 Colorado students struggling with math skills through after-school tutoring while also offering more training to teachers and even parents.

Math scores have dropped in Colorado and the nation after three severely disrupted school years. Leaders hope the math initiative can turn around that trend and give students strong foundations as they enter high school and encounter more challenging material.

“We’ve seen a lot of kids who lost a couple of years during COVID,” said House Education Chair Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat and bill sponsor. “And so we want to get them caught up for what they missed and get them to where they should be now, so at the end of the school year, they’re ready to go into the next year.”

Leaders unveiled the bipartisan math initiative Tuesday, though Polis had hinted at the outlines of the program in a January budget request. In contrast to Colorado’s yearslong efforts to improve reading proficiency, the program is voluntary and designed as a short-term intervention.

School districts, charter schools, and after-school programs run by community groups could apply for three-year grants to run math tutoring programs. Polis said the proposal is based on evidence that additional learning time can result in higher achievement. It should also save parents money on after-school care, he said, predicting that demand will be high.

Programs that work with high-needs students and with students in the transition years from elementary to middle school and from middle to high school would get priority, as would those using evidence-based math instruction.

The bill proposes setting aside $25 million for tutoring to be distributed over the next two years, plus another $3 million for other programs.

In addition to the after-school tutoring initiative, the bill would:

Encourage — but not require — school districts to identify students performing below grade level in math, tell their parents that they’re struggling, and offer interventions.
Make training programs available to both teachers and parents on a voluntary basis.
Require the Colorado Department of Education to maintain a list of evidence-based math programs. However, school districts would not be required to use evidence-based math curriculum or make any changes to instruction.
Require teacher preparation programs to train new teachers in evidence-based math instruction practices, including how to help students who are below grade level and those who have learning disabilities.
Require preschool teachers to learn how to help young children understand and work with numbers.

The bill does not define “evidence-based,” instead deferring to the state education department to highlight curriculum and instructional programs that experts believe will best serve students.

Math initiative aims to reverse pandemic-era declines

Since 2020, math scores have declined more than reading scores have, and middle school students showed greater declines on last year’s Colorado standardized tests than younger students did. Colorado ninth graders posted the biggest drops when compared with their peers in 2019. On the National Assessment of Educational Progress, or NAEP, often known as the nation’s report card, just 28% of Colorado eighth graders tested proficient, the lowest rate in a decade.

“While many districts are doing great work to reverse that trend, additional support from the state, specifically around math achievement, will really help move the bar,” Polis said.

Colorado Gov. Jared Polis calculates the benefit of a new bipartisan proposal to improve math instruction.

Because each stage of math learning builds on the previous one, disrupted learning in one grade can cause trouble for years down the road.

State Sen. Janice Marchman, a Loveland Democrat and bill sponsor, works as a middle school math interventionist when she’s not at the Capitol. Her job is to ensure students are ready for high school and achieve the algebra competency they’ll need in a wide range of professions.

Her job has gotten harder during the pandemic as students missed out on consistent instruction. Often she’s going back to fractions and multiplication.

“A lot of what I do is starting back with the grade four and grade five curriculum,” she said.

McLachlan predicted teachers would be eager to take the training and improve their own skills, even if it’s not required. The state hopes to reach 36,000 teachers. The bill calls for a “train the trainer” approach in which teachers who participate could take ideas for improvement back to their home schools. Many elementary teachers, in particular, need more help, she said.

“We get a lot of people who teach elementary because they don’t need to do the math,” McLachlan said. “And so they focus on reading, maybe, because that’s more fun. But we need to get really good educators for math.”

The bill would also make training materials available to parents to support their children at home, something many parents find challenging, especially as schools have adopted new approaches that differ from how parents learned to do math when they were young.

Marchman is particularly excited the bill includes funding for a digital math accelerator, a computer program that will be aligned with state standards and can offer personalized instruction. The program could allow students to learn while freeing up teachers and tutors to support students in areas where they need more focused help, she said. Polis said the state, by paying for a master license, can save school districts money that can be put back into the classroom.

Senate Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican and bill sponsor, said the bill combines rigorous instruction with local flexibility and provide public money to support parents and out-of-school learning, something he would like to see more of.

Math proposal differs from Colorado’s literacy strategy

Colorado is not alone in looking for ways to boost math achievement. Alabama recently passed a major numeracy law and several other states are considering such bills now.

“There is a lot of traction around math,” said Christy Hovanetz, senior policy fellow at the Florida-based nonprofit ExcelinEd, which recently released recommendations for state-level policy changes. With low test scores in nearly every state, “policymaking bodies have really seen a need to act this session.”

ExcelinEd wants states to adopt high-quality curriculum, train prospective and current K-8 teachers on math instruction, administer math screenings early in the school year, and notify parents if their children are struggling.

Relying on voluntary programs and grants can result in a patchwork of practices that shortchanges kids, Hovanetz said.

“I think it’s very reasonable for a state to say, here are the four, five, six curriculum series that align with our state standards, are proven to be effective, and are easy to use for teachers,” she said.

That’s how Colorado has approached efforts to improve reading proficiency since 2019, when lawmakers revamped the 2012 READ Act. Frustrated with limited progress under the original program, Colorado now requires the use of evidence-based reading curriculum and training on reading for all K-3 teachers.

It was a major undertaking interrupted by the pandemic and represented a sea change in a state accustomed to local control. Many schools only recently have rolled out new curriculum and completed training for all teachers.

While Colorado’s math scores declined from 2019 to 2022, even before the pandemic fewer than 40% of middle-school students showed proficiency on state math tests.

Polis didn’t explain why he’s not calling for a more comprehensive overhaul of math instruction.

“That’s a different discussion,” he said. “This is a grant program for after-school programs. It’s additional time on task for those who need it to be able to improve math performance.”

Nonetheless, the proposal calls for a far greater state role in math and incorporates math into many existing school improvement efforts.

For example, under the bill, schools placed on a state watchlist due to low test scores would have to present plans specifically related to improving math instruction. Schools receiving grants to help ninth graders get a solid start in high school would have to show how they’re incorporating math.

In addition, the state is rewarding 12 schools that improved students’ math scores from 2019 to 2022 with $50,000 grants from federal pandemic relief money and plans to share lessons from those schools’ success with other educators.

The schools are: Thornton Elementary School, Roosevelt Charter Academy and Chipeta Elementary School in Colorado Springs, Fowler Junior High School, Hi-Plains High School in Siebert, Chatfield Elementary School in Grand Junction, Moffat Senior High School, La Jara Elementary School, Minnequa Elementary School in Pueblo, Avondale Elementary School, Rocky Mountain Elementary School in Longmont, and Hudson Elementary School.

The schools all increased the number of students performing above grade level despite pandemic disruptions, and many serve large populations of low-income students and English learners.

Minnequa Principal Katie Harshman noted that five years ago, her school faced possible closure due to persistent low test scores. Now it’s being recognized by state leaders. The turnaround required an effort by the entire community, but two elements included in the statewide math initiative were key — teacher training and personalized learning.

Chalkbeat senior reporter Ann Schimke contributed reporting.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

East High students march against gun violence in wake of Luis Garcia’s death

2023-03-03T21:48:11+00:00

Leer en español.

Several hundred students from East High School chanted “No more silence! End gun violence!” as they marched to the Colorado State Capitol Friday to tell lawmakers to do more to restrict access to guns.

Eighteen days had passed since Luis Garcia was shot just outside the school, and two since the 16-year-old succumbed to his injuries. Students held signs bearing his name and No. 11, the number he wore on the soccer field. They observed 11 seconds of silence in his memory.

Clayton Thomas, who played soccer with Luis, recalled how hard-working Luis was, a quality family members described as well. At the end of each practice, players could stay an extra 15 minutes to practice independently. Luis would stay 30 minutes, Clayton said.

“What I wouldn’t give for an extra 15 minutes with Luis right now,” Clayton said.

East High Students Demand Action, a group that advocates for gun control, organized the rally to coincide with an advocacy day at the Capitol in support of a package of gun control bills. Democrats want to add a three-day waiting period for all gun purchases, prevent people younger than 21 from purchasing guns, and expand who can seek to remove guns from an individual under Colorado’s “red flag” law.

The push for new state gun laws comes in the wake of November’s mass shooting at Club Q in Colorado Springs, as well as rising gun violence in Denver and around the region.

Luis Garcia was shot outside East High on the afternoon of Feb. 13. Denver police took two other Denver Public Schools students into custody later that afternoon on other charges. So far, they have not been charged in the shooting.

Luis was the second student shot near the 2,600-student school this academic year. East High also was the target of a swatting hoax in September that led to a lockdown and evacuation that left students and faculty rattled.

In the last week, more than a dozen Colorado schools have been the target of swatting hoaxes.

Organizers canceled a forum on gun violence with local elected officials Wednesday after news spread of Luis’ death.

Fabian Morris, a sophomore at East, said he didn’t know Luis well, but he’s known other people who were shot and wanted to support the cause.

“I used to think school was one of the safest places, but now I feel uneasy,” he said.

Celes Bufford, a senior and member of the East student council, echoed the sentiment.

“We’re down here because we’re tired,” she said. “There should be no reason that guns are more important than students, or people in general. No one feels safe.”

Ryan Lo, a junior at East, said he felt numb about the shooting until students gathered outside East to lay flowers in Luis’ memory. That’s when the loss hit home. Ryan noted that the same day Luis was shot, a gunman killed three people at Michigan State University.

Zach Fields, also a junior at East, said the frequency of gun violence makes it hard to comprehend.

“It doesn’t even feel real,” he said. “It feels like a movie.”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

East High students marched to the Colorado State Capitol Friday to join a day of advocacy for gun control legislation.

Colorado K-12, higher education workers would get state workplace protections in bill

2023-03-01T23:47:18+00:00

A year after Colorado lawmakers denied employees of school districts and public universities the right to unionize and negotiate contracts, legislators are considering a bill that would provide some protections for them and other public sector employees.

Senate Bill 111 would extend rights for public employees who openly express views about the workplace, start the process of forming a union, or participate in organizing. Public workers would also be protected from retaliation, discrimination, and intimidation from employers. Private sector employees already have these rights under federal law.

The bill doesn’t require public employers to recognize unions or grant workers the ability to strike. But the legislation, which a Senate committee advanced Tuesday, could represent a notable step forward for K-12 and higher education workers who want stronger labor protections for what they say are crucial workplace rights.

Critics who united to exclude education staff from a law expanding collective bargaining rights last year say this year’s legislation is unnecessary, unfair to employers, and would hurt schools.

Jade Kelly, CWA Local 7799 president, said the bill extends some rights granted to private employees through the National Labor Relations Act, a 1935 law to ensure workers can advocate for better conditions and form labor unions without retaliation. Her union represents higher education workers, library workers, and public defenders, among others.

She said public employees do have certain rights under federal statutes. But Kelly said that employers often violate those laws because a federal complaint must be filed by workers when there are issues. It’s a difficult process that creates hostile work environments where public employees feel they can’t speak out, she said.

Kelly said filing a complaint is expensive and takes up a lot of time and “employers know that.”

By extending the federal rights for private workers to public workers statewide, the bill would ensure the Colorado Department of Labor & Employment enforces these rights and step in when violations happen, mediate any issues, and take action.

Democrats in the state legislature have been pushing for more rights for public sector workers. The legislation lawmakers passed last year grants county employees the right to organize and bargain collectively over pay and working conditions. That law also prohibits strikes, work stoppages, and work slowdowns.

But facing stiff opposition from school district administrators, school boards, higher education officials, and Democratic Gov. Jared Polis, education workers were excluded from last year’s bill.

Senate Bill 111 is sponsored by state Sen. Robert Rodriguez and state Rep. Steven Woodrow, both Denver Democrats. The bill passed the Senate Local Government and Housing Committee on Tuesday with a partisan 4-3 vote.

Many large Colorado school districts voluntarily recognize employee unions and have contracts that include collective bargaining rights, but there is no requirement that they do so. Union members say that leaves many teachers vulnerable.

Mountain Valley School District teacher Kevin Walek, a San Luis Valley teacher union vice president, said teachers worry if they speak out that school district leadership will punish them. Many teachers like him are within their first few years of teaching and on a probationary period.

The bill would help teachers feel like they can use their voice.

“A lot of teachers just keep their head down,” Walek said. “It’s a tough environment.”

In addition to K-12 and higher education workers, the bill would cover a large group of workers, such as county, city, fire, library and public health workers.

The Colorado Education Association and other advocacy groups say the bill grants rights and protections that were skipped over in last year’s collective bargaining bill for many public employees.

Multiple groups want to amend the bill, including the Colorado League of Charter Schools, the Colorado Association of School Executives, and the Colorado Charter School Institute. The committee approved amendments related to unintended consequences the groups identified, such as those related to State Board of Education powers and to ensure management positions wouldn’t be included.

Michelle Murphy, Colorado Rural Schools Alliance executive director, said the bill would substantially disrupt schools. The organization also wants to amend the bill.

“This bill expands employee rights while dialing back and restricting employer rights,” she said.

Opponents include many county and city organizations and governments. Kevin Bommer, Colorado Municipal League executive director, said employers are already required to give employees substantial protections under federal law.

Others also argued there aren’t widespread complaints about improper employer practices. And any such issues can be handled by federal law, they said.

But Kelly said the public ultimately gets hurt when unhappy workers can’t resolve issues quickly with their employers.

“Workers end up leaving or they get to the point where they hate their jobs,” Kelly said. “That creates an adverse effect on anyone who uses public services.”

Colorado Supreme Court will hear Adams 14 case against state

2023-03-01T23:30:12+00:00

The Colorado Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case that could determine whether the State Board of Education has the final word in directing low-performing school districts to improve or whether those districts can appeal state orders to the courts.

The case could determine the limits of local control and state authority within Colorado’s education system.

The Adams 14 school district sued the State Board of Education after it ordered the district to reorganize, possibly risking its autonomy. Now a state Supreme Court ruling, if it favored the district, could allow for legal recourse for school districts when they disagree with a State Board order.

The State Board had never before used its powers to order reorganization of a school district for persistent low performance.

In September, a Denver district court judge dismissed Adams 14’s lawsuit. The judge ruled, among other things, that school districts don’t have the right to request a judicial review of State Board of Education action under the state’s accountability law.

Adams 14 planned to appeal, but the state attorney general’s office and the district decided together to petition the state Supreme Court to hear the case, bypassing the court of appeals. The Supreme Court this week agreed to hear the case.

The state’s request argued that accountability issues will become more common.

“The questions carry great weight for public education,” the document states. “Several school districts aside from Adams 14 are on track to face directed action from the State Board, and pandemic-related learning loss will likely lead to more. As more accountability matters come before the State Board, it is of imperative public importance to determine whether school districts can sue to forestall the State Board’s directed actions for turning around struggling schools.”

Lawmakers this session were considering a bill that would give districts the right to appeal the State Board’s accountability orders. On Wednesday bill sponsor state Sen. Jessie Danielson, a Jefferson County Democrat, withdrew it to allow the Supreme Court to rule on the issue.

The district court’s ruling hinged on what lawyers call the Martin rule. It’s a judicial precedent that means a government agency cannot sue a state agency above it for doing its job, without state law or the constitution spelling out that right. The district court judge said the state’s accountability law does not give districts the right to appeal state orders.

Adams 14 lawyers have argued that the state constitution does explicitly give local school boards in Colorado authority that the State Board of Education cannot take away, such as it would by dissolving a district.

Joe Salazar, an attorney for Adams 14, has also told the State Board that elected local school board members are peers of State Board members, not subordinate to them.

The district court disagreed and said the school district is subordinate to the state. That is one of the four questions the Supreme Court will review.

The state Supreme Court recently had agreed to hear another case involving the Martin rule. In that case, the court of appeals ruled against Weld County commissioners suing the state’s Department of Public Health and Environment over air pollution rules for oil and gas sites.

In the request to the Supreme Court to hear the Adams 14 case, the state argued that the cases were similar but that the differences would give additional context for how the rule should be applied.

One difference is that in the education case, the state constitution grants both the State Board and local school boards some measure of authority, meaning, “the General Assembly must balance those entities’ powers in a manner that does not ‘clearly impede the capacity of either.’”

The state and the district have more than three months to file documents laying out their case. After that, the court will schedule a hearing.

Read the request for the Supreme Court consideration here:

Yesenia Robles is a reporter for Chalkbeat Colorado covering K-12 school districts and multilingual education. Contact Yesenia at yrobles@chalkbeat.org.

For part-time college faculty, Colorado bill offers some relief. What about the larger problem?

2023-02-24T22:20:00+00:00

As an adjunct professor, Kristin Quadracci teaches about six classes a semester and works well over 40 hours per week.

It’s enough for Quadracci to scrape together a salary of about $40,000 a year. But she works about 50% more as a contract worker than full-time college instructors, she said.

Plus there’s “no vacation and no job security,” Quadracci said.

Adjunct professors are those contracted part time to educate students. Many like Quadracci say they’ve dedicated their careers to teaching in college and endure tough conditions that they say carry over to students.

Senate Bill 84 would allow Colorado adjuncts to qualify for forgiveness of federally backed college loans. The bill makes a minor change to state law to better calculate how much work adjunct faculty perform in a semester.

Adjunct faculty and the unions supporting them also want the state to someday address the low pay, limited benefits, and little say part-time faculty have in the classroom. Until that happens, access to loan forgiveness is one way to ease the burden on adjunct faculty, who often need advanced degrees to do their jobs.

David Chatfield, who teaches art appreciation at Arapahoe Community College, has taught as a part-time instructor for years. He was one of the lucky few who was able to find a one-year full-time position. The job has since ended and he’s back to part-time work. The full-time position made it easier for him to earn a living and teach students.

“The overreliance on adjuncts is bad,” Chatfield said. “They need to bring in more full-time people.”

What once was a supplement to the core faculty now is a common practice at schools. Historically, adjuncts were mostly made up of people working in professional fields who wanted to teach students.

More and more, the majority teach at several schools to make a living.

Schools vary in their portion of adjuncts.

Nationally, about 48% of all academic staff is part-time faculty, according to the American Association of University Professors.

About half of all classes in the community college system are taught by adjuncts, with colleges and universities having different shares. For example, almost 70% of the Community of College of Aurora’s classes are taught by adjunct faculty.

Supporters of Senate Bill 84 said during testimony that they end up working long uncompensated hours outside of class, and they want the state to redefine how schools calculate how much adjuncts work.

The proposed change to how hours are calculated wouldn’t require colleges to give benefits to any instructors who don’t otherwise qualify. But it would allow instructors to reach full-time status to qualify for the federal Public Service Loan Forgiveness program. The program allows those who work in the public sector, including at a nonprofit, to have their student loans forgiven after 10 years.

Senate Bill 84 is sponsored by state Rep. Mary Young, a Greeley Democrat, and state Sens. Janice Marchman, a Loveland Democrat, and Julie Gonzales, a Denver Democrat. The Senate has approved the bill, and it goes next to the House.

During testimony, adjunct instructors said they make less than $30,000 a year and hold side jobs to survive. National surveys show nearly a third of adjuncts make less than $25,000 a year and many rely on public assistance.

Some adjuncts also don’t qualify for benefits, especially if they cobble together work from different schools. The Colorado Community College System does offer benefits including health insurance to adjuncts who work more than 30 hours a week within the system, and those who work fewer hours can purchase plans at a discounted rate.

Chatfield said when he was able to get contracted as a full-time employee, he made three times his annual $20,000 adjunct wages for a little more work. The few additional responsibilities were “not enough to justify that kind of disparity,” he said.

Some colleges don’t include adjuncts in program decisions, Chatfield said, which directly affects how students learn. The community college system does have a statewide advisory council for adjuncts, according to a system spokeswoman.

Adjuncts also don’t have their own private offices, meaning it can be hard to meet with students needing extra support, he said. That could mean the difference between the student passing or failing a class.

Quadracci said it’s detrimental to students to have their teachers hurrying from campus to campus without getting a break to eat lunch or take care of themselves.

“Adjuncts can’t be there for our students,” Quadracci said. “And it’s a huge, huge detriment to them and their learning environment.”

Correction: This article has been changed to reflect that the Colorado Community College System provides some benefit options to adjuncts.

Denver, Douglas County, Academy 20 join districts offering free school meals next year

2023-02-22T22:09:22+00:00

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Most Colorado school districts, including the state’s 10 largest, plan to offer free meals to all students next year through a new state program approved by voters last November.

Three large districts — Denver, Douglas County, and Academy 20 — that were undecided in early December have since reported to Chalkbeat that they’ll participate in the program, called Healthy School Meals For All.

The new program, funded with a tax on high earners, will make Colorado one of only a handful of states to offer free school meals to all students, a move advocates say will feed more hungry kids and take away the stigma currently associated with receiving free school meals.

California and Maine both launched permanent universal meal programs this school year and a few other states, including Nevada, Vermont, and Massachusetts, are offering such programs at least till the end of the current school year.

The growing push for free school meals comes after two school years where the federal government waived income eligibility requirements for subsidized meals, allowing schools nationwide to offer free breakfast and lunch to all students for much of the pandemic. Those waivers ended last summer.

While Colorado’s universal meals program is voluntary for school districts, most have reported they’ll opt in. A Chalkbeat survey of two dozen mostly large and medium districts found that 21 plan to participate, and one — Colorado Springs 11 — plans to offer free school meals next year through a different funding mechanism. Two districts, Mesa County Valley 51, based in Grand Junction, and District 49, based in Peyton, remain undecided.

Another recent survey of the state’s 178 school districts by the Colorado School Nutrition Association found that about 130 of around 140 responding districts plan to offer free meals next year.

“Truly, there’s about 10 that have said they were unsure out of all of those,” said Erika Edwards, the association’s public policy and legislative chair. “I do think we are very much moving closer to the vast majority saying yes.”

In November, Colorado voters easily approved Proposition FF, a new tax measure that will raise more than $100 million a year to pay for free school meals by reducing income tax deductions available to households earning $300,000 or more.

To participate in the universal free meals program, Colorado school districts will have to maximize the amount of federal meal dollars they get by applying for a program called Community Eligibility Provision. The national program helps cover the cost of universal free meals at schools with large proportions of students whose families receive certain government benefits such as food assistance or Temporary Assistance to Needy Families. Families at those schools don’t have to fill out applications for free or reduced-price meals.

But even Colorado schools that don’t qualify for the Community Eligibility Provision program will be able to offer free meals to all students by tapping into proceeds from Proposition FF. Families at those schools will still have to fill out applications for subsidized meals.

Edwards said school districts that are undecided about offering free meals next year tend to fall into one of two categories. Smaller rural districts have questions about the logistics of the Community Eligibility program while larger metro districts have questions about how Colorado plans to dole out extra funding for schools with large populations of students from low-income households, she said.

Known as at-risk funding, the money has been distributed based on how many students fill out forms for federal subsidized meals. Colorado is moving toward other measures, but until the change is complete, districts are worried about losing money if fewer families fill out the forms once lunch is free for all students.

Edwards said the nutrition association supports the new program and plans to offer training and other assistance to help districts that want to participate.

“I think it’s the culmination of everything that a school food professional wants to see happen,” she said.

Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at aschimke@chalkbeat.org.

Some Colorado colleges enroll more first-generation students. Should they get more money?

2023-02-17T23:09:35+00:00

Colorado colleges and universities would get a special designation if they enroll a high number of students who are the first in their families to go to college, under a bill proposed this year.

The largely symbolic bill has fed a bigger debate about how Colorado funds its public colleges. It also spurred a conversation about what first-generation students need to be successful.

The first generation-serving label that House Bill 1114 would create would attach to schools that enroll those students at a higher rate than the state average. It would also require Colorado’s higher education department to track how well students do at those schools.

The bill would not require schools to create additional programs to help those students get to and through college. Nor would it offer colleges more money to provide such support.

Money and support make a difference for students, said Diane Schorr, director of advocacy and initiatives at the Center for First-generation Student Success. She questioned why the state wouldn’t ensure colleges with the new designation get either.

“What I would have liked to have seen is what’s being required of the institution?” Schorr said.

Supporters of the bill — including Metropolitan State University and Colorado Mesa University — would like to prod the state to better fund schools that serve a large share of first-generation students. These schools often have lower graduation rates, something that works against them in Colorado’s funding formula. It also costs a lot of money to run the programs that help first-generation students.

Opponents of the bill, including Colorado State University, say that who enrolls the most first-generation students shouldn’t matter. Instead, they say that state funding should follow those students wherever they enroll. With limited state funding for higher education, more money for certain institutions can mean less for others.

Colorado Mesa University President John Marshall said the proposed designation would signal that first-generation students have a place on campus and would strengthen those schools asking for more state funds to increase services.

About 40% of students enrolled at Colorado’s public higher education schools were the first in their family to go to college. Nationally, those students are less likely to graduate and the path gets harder if they come from low-income families.

About 44% of Colorado Mesa’s 11,000 students are first generation, Marshall said. MSU Denver also has a high percentage, with almost 60% of its about 16,000 student body identifying as the first in their family to go to college.

Last academic year the state shifted away from funding schools based primarily on enrollment. Now the formula awards some state monies for enrolling more students of color and students from low-income backgrounds, and for graduating those students.

The funding changes haven’t immediately boosted the budgets of MSU Denver and Colorado Mesa. The schools still receive the least funding per student and want even more weight placed on which students they enroll.

“We’re serving the most expensive students,” Marshall said. “Over time, I think we’ve got to figure out how to correct those historic inequities and fund our values.”

Colorado State University System Chancellor Tony Frank, who spoke to the legislature to oppose the bill, expressed concern that the state label would affect how money is doled out statewide.

Frank said about 32,000 students who are the first in their family to go to college have the potential to attend schools not labeled first-generation serving.

“Funding should follow first-gen students wherever they are,” Frank said, “not simply to institutions with a designation.”

He said the state should discuss funding for first-generation students when it debates how colleges and universities are funded — a process that happens every five years.

The state provides a set amount of funding for colleges based on factors such as enrollment and retention of students and then provides additional money based on student demographics and outcomes.

For example, schools can get more money for enrolling more students of color and Colorado residents, and for raising graduation rates. Schools get a small amount for enrolling first-generation students, less than for other student groups the state wants to enroll at higher rates.

There’s precedent for a conversation about funding when it comes to designations. Campuses receiving the federal Hispanic Serving-Institution designation, or schools with 25% Hispanic student enrollment, come with the ability to apply for federal resources.

There’s no federal designation in serving first-generation students, but some schools spend more on programs to help those students get to graduation.

Marshall said Colorado Mesa invites first-generation freshman to campus before other groups to help familiarize them with the school, provides many of them an annual $1,000 scholarship, and offers counseling on academics, personal well-being, financial aid, and careers.

Other schools also assist first-generation students. Colorado State University and the University of Colorado Denver are among 277 other institutions nationwide that work with the Center for First-generation Student Success to better the college experience on campus. The schools also provide counseling, financial, and academic programs for students.

Justin Hunter, 23, a first-generation student at Colorado Mesa University, said he felt supported by the school on the first day he stepped onto campus. The program that brought first-generation students on campus earlier than others helped him acclimate to campus life. School staff have also pushed him to become a campus leader. He is now student body vice president.

He said he supports the bill because he “stumbled” on Colorado Mesa during the application process. Other students should know that schools support them and the designation would help, he said.

Lawmakers were clear that their intention wasn’t to pit schools against each other when it comes to how much money schools receive to educate students. Instead, they wanted to also set off a greater conversation about how to support students.

The bill is sponsored by state Reps. Rick Taggart, a Grand Junction Republican, and Serena Gonzales-Guitterez, a Denver Democrat. It would also require the state to list first-generation-serving schools on the Colorado Department of Higher Education’s website. The bill cleared the House Education Committee unanimously on Thursday, but lawmakers asked the bill sponsors to work with higher education institutions to get more buy-in.

State Rep. Jennifer Bacon, a Denver Democrat, said she voted in favor of the bill because it signals to students that schools have prioritized serving them. Colleges and universities could use the label to tell students that they’re not alone.

Colorado has cut higher education funding to a point where families pay a much larger share than the state does for public college expenses.

“As a legislator, to the extent that I can apologize, I am sorry that we have created such a devastating funding space that we have to have some of these conversations,” Bacon said.

Poll: Majority of Colorado voters support targeted education savings accounts

2023-02-17T01:17:03+00:00

Colorado voters continue to support school choice at high rates — so high they’d support a state constitutional amendment to protect access to it — even as more parents feel that schools are on the wrong track.

And about two-thirds of voters said they would support giving parents of students with disabilities extra money to address their needs outside of public school.

A new poll conducted by Cygnal on behalf of the conservative education advocacy group Ready Colorado found a number of areas of broad, bipartisan agreement, a notable finding given how polarized certain education topics have become.

But the poll also found growing concern about the state of public schools. Nearly 47% of voters said schools were on the wrong track, and 55% of parents said schools are on the wrong track, compared with just 33% who thought they were on the right track.

“I hope that’s a call to action,” said Brenda Dickhoner, president and CEO of Ready Colorado. “How do we improve student outcomes and ensure all students have access to a high-quality school in their neighborhood as well as access to public school choice?”

The poll didn’t ask respondents why they felt that way. The results align with a Magellan Strategies poll from last year that found diverse reasons for dissatisfaction. In that survey, Democratic voters felt schools were underfunded and under attack, while Republican voters were more likely to say schools had become centers of liberal indoctrination.

The Cygnal poll was conducted among 540 Colorado voters in late January and has a margin of error of 4.17%. Cygnal has a B+ rating among pollsters from the website FiveThirtyEight.

This is the third year that Ready Colorado has conducted the poll, which serves as a snapshot of voter sentiments as well as a tool for Ready to show support for policies it backs.

A smaller portion of voters said education should be a top priority of state government than in 2019, but it still ranked in the top 5, with 12.9% of voters saying it should be the top priority. More voters said homelessness, crime, and government spending should be the top priority.

The poll found that a majority of voters think Colorado schools are underfunded and that teachers are underpaid. Asked how to fund schools better, just 13% wanted to raise taxes and 78% said the government should reprioritize its spending. This tracks with other Colorado surveys as well as with voter behavior at the polls, where they have shot down several statewide tax increases to fund schools.

Nearly 72% of voters support annual standardized tests to measure student learning.

The poll found 68% of voters would support a constitutional amendment guaranteeing a right to school choice. Colorado law already allows students to enroll in any school that has room and can meet their needs, even across district lines. Dickhoner said support for a constitutional amendment shows voters view this a fundamental right, and she hopes that builds support for improving transportation options and addressing other barriers to using school choice.

About half of respondents had a favorable view of charter schools, while a quarter had an unfavorable view and a fifth had no opinion. Favorable views rose to 60% after respondents heard charters described as tuition-free public schools that “have more flexibility in terms of teacher hiring and curriculum but are held accountable for student performance.”

And 65% of respondents favored funding charter schools at a level comparable to traditional public schools, including more than 60% of Democrats.

About 15% of Colorado students attend charter schools. Schools authorized by their local district get a share of local property tax revenue and have similar funding to district-run schools. Schools authorized by the state Charter School Institute don’t get that extra money and have lower per-student funding, even though some of them serve student populations with higher needs, such as immigrant students who arrived here at an older age or pregnant and parenting teens.

The state provides some extra funding, but it doesn’t close the gap. Lawmakers have maintained funding on a bipartisan basis, but Republicans have not been successful in fully funding state charter schools.

Nearly three-quarters of voters supported more money to improve math instruction, including new materials, teacher training, and after-school programming. There’s been a bipartisan push to address math learning after test scores dropped in the wake of the pandemic, and the governor’s budget proposal includes more funding for math. But specific proposals have not yet been introduced.

Ready Colorado also asked voters if they would support the creation of $1,200 education savings accounts for students with special education needs. Their parents could use the money to pay for tutoring, therapy, and other support. Two-thirds said yes.

The poll question did not explain that education savings accounts are funded with public money. When Magellan Strategies asked voters last year if they would support giving tax money to parents to pay for tutoring or other educational needs, 60% said no. Magellan asked in the context of pandemic-related learning loss, rather than special education needs.

In other states, Republican governors and legislators are pursuing education savings accounts that could be used for nearly any educational expense, including private school tuition, similar to vouchers.

That idea is unlikely to make headway in Colorado. The Democratic-controled legislature has repeatedly shot down any proposal to give public money to parents. With Colorado schools funded below the national average, lawmakers say money is better spent in public schools. In 2021, Colorado voters also shot down a proposal to use marijuana taxes to fund after-school programs and tutoring.

For Dickhoner, limited public school resources are a reason to back education savings accounts.

“We don’t fully fund special education in Colorado, so what can we do to make sure students’ needs are met?” she asked. “How do we empower parents and families to make those decisions?”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Bill would allow Colorado school districts to sue State Board of Education

2023-02-10T20:24:42+00:00

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news organization covering public education in communities across America. Subscribe to our free Colorado newsletter to keep up with education news from around the state: ckbe.at/subscribe-colorado

A bill introduced in the Colorado legislature would allow school districts to sue the State Board of Education when they disagree with decisions related to the school accountability system.

The proposal would put a check on the State Board’s ability to intervene in schools and districts that report many years in a row of low student test scores. It comes as the Adams 14 school district is engaged in an extended legal fight to block a state-ordered reorganization process.

Supporters of the proposal, including groups representing superintendents and school boards, predict lawsuits would be rare but say they deserve some legal recourse when they disagree with the State Board. Opponents fear it will slow down efforts to improve education and put complex policy issues in the hands of judges who don’t have the expertise to handle them.

Senate Bill 71 would allow school districts to appeal any rule, regulation, or final order of the State Board related to the accountability system. It is scheduled for a hearing before the Senate Education Committee on Monday.

State Sen. Jessie Danielson, a Jefferson County Democrat sponsoring the bill, said most state agencies are subject to judicial review, and the State Board should be as well.

“The situation involving Adams 14 involves concerns that the State Board is intruding on local control and constitutional rights,” she wrote in an email. “Why shouldn’t Adams 14 or every other local school district in the accountability system be entitled to a court’s review of a State Board’s order?”

The State Board opposes the measure, with members saying lawsuits would delay improvement plans that could help children who already have waited too long.

“By and large, we’ve been very successful in assisting districts to move forward academically,” board member Steve Durham, a Colorado Springs Republican, said. “When the district works with the department, we’ve had extraordinary success. I think it’s in the best interest of the children that the present system be preserved, and this bill be defeated.”

The State Board of Education is an independently elected body that oversees the state accountability system, among other duties. That includes administering standardized tests, rating schools and teachers on their performance, and ordering changes in schools and districts with persistently low performance. There is no appeal process after the State Board rules.

In most cases, the State Board approves improvement plans developed at the district level, but it has ordered schools to turn over some or all authority to an external manager, often a consultant or private company. The State Board also has the power to close schools, convert them to charter schools, or order the reorganization of an entire school district.

That’s what happened in Adams 14 last year. The process could result in schools closing or parts of the district being absorbed by its neighbors, but that seems unlikely. Neighboring districts, which have representatives on the reorganization committee, have pledged their support for the district, and any big changes would require voter approval.

Nonetheless, Adams 14 officials say state orders have been deeply disruptive, harmed their ability to hire teachers, and intruded on the authority of local elected officials.

Last year, a Denver district court judge dismissed Adams 14’s lawsuit challenging the state order, saying the law doesn’t allow for judicial review. The district is appealing.

Joe Salazar, a former legislator now serving as attorney for the Adams 14 school district, could not be reached for comment on the bill.

Organizations that support Colorado’s test-based accountability system such as Stand for Children and Democrats for Education Reform oppose the bill, as do groups representing charter schools. Brenda Dickhoner of the conservative education advocacy group Ready Colorado said the bill poses “grave concerns.”

“It’s incredibly broad in scope and would allow districts to bring a lawsuit forward and challenge anything under the accountability act,” she said. “It’s not helpful or productive.”

State Board members fear the bill could leave open to judicial review everything from state ratings to grant awards to the thresholds used to determine whether students meet expectations on standardized tests.

But Bret Miles, executive director of the Colorado Association of School Executives, which represents superintendents, said locally elected boards need some recourse when they disagree with a State Board ruling. He believes school districts would only sue about things that matter a lot.

“There is no reason we shouldn’t have that opportunity, but it will be sparsely used,” he said. “It would take time and money and resources.”

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Teacher apprenticeships among solutions lawmakers consider for educator shortages

2023-02-09T02:00:08+00:00

A teacher apprenticeship program, stipends and loan forgiveness for student teachers, and the ability for out-of-state teachers to more easily qualify to work in Colorado.

Those are the ideas Colorado lawmakers have proposed this year to address staffing shortages across the state. So far, each proposal has received favorable support from Colorado legislators.

Every year, legislators put forward new programs and tweak old ones in an effort to get more teachers into the classroom and fix a problem that has plagued districts nationwide. Last year Colorado created a new loan forgiveness program and made it easier for retired teachers to get back into the classroom.

On Tuesday, Senate Bill 87 became the latest proposal to move forward in the General Assembly. The bill would create an alternative pathway to help those earning a bachelor’s degree in a subject they plan to teach — such as math, science, or a world language — get the necessary teaching license. It has widespread support from school districts, teachers unions, universities, and other organizations.

The bill cleared the Senate Education Committee on a unanimous vote. It’s sponsored by state Reps. Cathy Kipp, a Fort Collins Democrat, and Don Wilson, a Monument Republican, as well as state Sens. Mark Baisley, a Woodland Park Republican, and Janice Marchman, a Loveland Democrat.

The apprenticeship program would add a fourth option for the state to license a teacher and would be overseen by the Colorado Department of Education. The program would cost the state a little more than $100,000 a year, according to a legislative analysis.

Apprentices would learn on the job for up to four years while they earn their bachelor’s with the ability to extend the timeline by two years.

Apprentices would be allowed to work as a student teacher or substitute and need to take regular competency tests. They then would need to prove their knowledge as a teacher either through a test or a body of work.

Marchman said about 40% of Colorado districts are reporting a teacher shortage and schools need to fill more than 7,000 positions annually. The state’s teacher preparation programs, however, produce only about 3,200 teachers a year, she said.

“We are experiencing a massive teacher shortage,” she said.

Meaghan Sullivan, CareerWise Colorado executive director, said the program would create quality teacher candidates rather than lowering the standard to fill positions. It also would give rural districts the flexibility to develop teachers to meet local needs.

Sullivan said the bill helps coaches, bus drivers, cafeteria workers, or classroom aides who want to become teachers work and learn without having to leave their community.

“That’s really where we see the potential,” she said.

The other two bills have been working their way through the House and Senate.

House Bill 1064, which received initial approval in the House on Wednesday, would create an agreement between Colorado and nine other states to make it easier for teachers to transfer from state to state. A teacher could more easily obtain a teacher’s license in Colorado if they hold one from another member state.

The Interstate Teacher Mobility Compact, as it is called, would also allow states to share disciplinary information and would allow for background checks before teachers could qualify to work in Colorado. The bill is expected to especially help active-duty military and military spouses who need to relocate.

The bill is sponsored by Marchman and Democratic state Reps. Meghan Luken, of Steamboat Springs, and Mary Young, of Greeley.

House Bill 1001 would give student teachers more financial support in the form of stipends and loan forgiveness. The bill has cleared the House and still needs Senate approval.

The bill would raise the income threshold for teachers in training to apply to a $52 million statewide grant program that was started last year. The program provides up to $22,000 in stipends to student teachers and $5,000 in loan forgiveness to those who stick it out. The bill would also allow principals and special service providers to apply and permit student teachers to work in other states in some circumstances.

Along with the three bills, Gov. Jared Polis also has proposed $70 million to provide free training and scholarships to students who want to qualify for in-demand jobs such as teaching, firefighting, and law enforcement. The program aims to ease the way to those jobs, especially those offering lower pay.

Incarcerated Coloradans could get released early by going to college

2023-02-08T01:44:46+00:00

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People incarcerated for nonviolent offenses in Colorado could earn time off their sentence if they get a college degree or credential.

Supporters of House Bill 1037, which the House Judiciary Committee approved 11-2, say it will help incarcerated Coloradans find new opportunities and make it less likely they reoffend after release while also saving the state money.

The bill would provide incentives to state prisoners to take advantage of federal grants available to them starting this summer. The federal government also has expanded how many colleges and universities can educate incarcerated students, opening the door for more opportunities.

State Rep. Matthew Martinez, a Monte Vista Democrat sponsoring the bill, said to the Judiciary Committee that financial assistance removes the biggest barrier facing imprisoned students wanting to go to college.

“We’re getting them back on track and really making a difference in changing their lives,” said Martinez, who previously ran Adams State University’s prison education program. State Sen. Julie Gonzales, a Denver Democrat, is also sponsoring the bill.

Bikram Mishra, who testified to the committee, said that during his 10 years in a Colorado correctional facility his family helped pay for his college classes. It changed his life, he said, and he wants college access for other people in prison.

“We are trying to help people get better and we are trying to make sure that they’re ready for society,” Mishra said.

If signed into law, Colorado would allow students convicted of nonviolent offenses to earn six months off their prison sentence if they earn a college credential or certificate. It would also allow them a year off their sentence if they graduate with an associate, bachelor’s, or master’s degree.

Some Republican and Democratic lawmakers, however, advocated during the hearing for increasing the amount of time incarcerated students would earn for an early release. Some worried that a year off their sentence would not be enough to attract students to degree programs and they would instead seek out short-term programs.

The bill would split money the state saves by releasing incarcerated students early between higher education institutions and the Colorado Department of Corrections.

Republican state Reps. Matt Soper of Delta and Stephanie Luck of Penrose voted against the bill in part because they want the Colorado Department of Corrections to keep more of the savings.

But all committee members, even those who wanted to see changes, said they support the idea to encourage people in prison to get an education. They said the testimony of former prisoners-turned-college graduates moved them to support the bill.

Martinez said data shows graduates are less likely to reoffend, especially if they earn a bachelor’s or master’s degree. That also means less cost to society, he said. In 2018, Colorado had one of the worst recidivism rates in the country — half of all formerly incarcerated people returned to prison within three years. National studies, however, show incarcerated people are less likely to reoffend if they get access to education.

Christie Donner, Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition executive director, said allowing incarcerated people the ability to learn while in prison goes beyond just what it saves the state. The bill represents the start of more conversations to ensure incarcerated people see a future for themselves, she said.

“Education helps you see yourself differently,” Donner said, “You have different ambitions and hopes and dreams and all that kind of good stuff. It’s really profound. And it’s so much better than just going to make license plates or sweep the floor or work in the kitchen. People can find a whole new life.”

Colorado school finance committee backs special ed increase, won’t vote on new formula

2023-01-27T19:44:18+00:00

Colorado would fund special education at the levels lawmakers promised back in 2006 under legislation recommended unanimously Friday by a special committee on school finance.

The special education bill was the only one recommended this year by the school finance committee, which originally convened six years ago with the goal of rewriting Colorado’s decades-old school funding formula. House Speaker Julie McCluskie said she’s still hoping to present a new formula to lawmakers outside the committee process.

The special education bill would reimburse districts $6,000 for every student with what’s known as a Tier B disability that requires more intensive support for students to be successful in school. These include dyslexia, autism spectrum disorders, developmental delays, deafness, blindness, emotional disabilities, and traumatic brain injuries, among others.

The bill also calls for Tier B funding to increase every year by the rate of inflation.

Both the federal and state governments require school districts to provide a “free and appropriate” education to all students, including those with disabilities, but they pay just a fraction of the cost. That won’t change with this bill.

School districts would still bear about two-thirds of the additional cost of providing special education services, but a few years ago, the state was paying less than half of what it had promised.

Pushed by state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, state funding for special education has increased dramatically. A bill last year raised the amount provided to all special education students to $1,750 from $1,250 and required funding to increase by inflation, along with increasing Tier B reimbursements.

This money is on top of the average of $9,559 that goes to schools for each Colorado student.

Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat who chairs the Joint Budget Committee and serves on the interim committee on school finance, sounded a note of caution even as she signed on as a prime sponsor of the funding increase bill.

“We’ll put it out there as what we’d like to see, and we’ll see what’s available to us in the budget,” she said.

Lawmakers said increasing special education funding reduces the amount districts have to divert from general education needs to meet their legal obligations to students with disabilities.

“You don’t want to pit students against each other,” state Rep. Cathy Kipp, a Fort Collins Democrat, said. “When you provide more funding for special education, it helps all students.”

The bill would add $40.2 million in special education funding to next year’s budget, bringing the total to at least $340 million, a 13% increase. The amount could be more, depending on how lawmakers handle requirements to respond to inflation, or the bill could get scaled back in budget negotiations.

Colorado schools spend more than $1 billion a year on special education services.

Colorado lawmakers are also under pressure to increase base operational budgets for school districts and provide more for transportation, gifted and talented students, and other needs. And once they commit to more spending, state law obligates them to maintain that level and increase it by inflation.

Legislative analysts and lawmakers alike have raised concerns about the long-term sustainability of education spending — even as Colorado funds its schools below the national average and withholds constitutionally required school funding for other budget purposes.

The special education bill, sponsored by state Sens. Zenzinger and Barbara Kirkmeyer, a Brighton Republican, along with state Reps. Kipp and Lisa Frizell, a Castle Rock Republican, will be the only bill to come out of the Interim Committee on School Finance this session.

With its charter expiring, the committee met for the last time Friday after six years of operating in various iterations. The committee was not presented with a new school funding formula as envisioned back in November or as envisioned when the committee was conceived back in 2017.

McCluskie, a Dillon Democrat who also chairs the school finance committee, said she still hopes to bring forward a formula rewrite this year, but the issue was too complex to work out by the end of the month, the deadline for special committees to propose legislation.

There is broad agreement that Colorado’s school funding formula is unfair and out of date, but settling on a new formula without a substantial increase in school funding has proved politically challenging. No school district wants to get less money than it gets now.

Polis has called for $100 million to be set aside in the state budget to ease the transition to a new funding formula.

Zenzinger said the many changes the committee has made over the years set the stage for a larger rewrite. Lawmakers previously increased special education funding, added funding for English learners to the existing finance formula, and convened a group to develop a new at-risk measure to better identify students living in poverty and facing other challenges outside of school.

House Minority Leader Paul Lundeen, a Monument Republican who has worked on school finance issues for years, said the special education bill was a step in the right direction, but he called for lawmakers to go further and create a formula that addresses student needs according to a wide range of characteristics.

Bureau Chief Erica Meltzer covers education policy and politics and oversees Chalkbeat Colorado’s education coverage. Contact Erica at emeltzer@chalkbeat.org.

Colorado would expand financial aid, loan forgiveness for student teachers

2023-01-27T01:57:51+00:00

Colorado on Thursday moved toward expanding financial aid for university students studying to become teachers. A bill to broaden a $52 million program received unanimous support Thursday in the House Education Committee.

The legislation is a top priority for Democratic lawmakers seeking to attract more Coloradans to the teaching field and to alleviate growing teacher shortages. The bill must win approval on the House floor before moving to the Senate.

The legislature last year approved the current program, funded with federal pandemic relief dollars. The program gives student teachers access to up to $22,000 in stipends and $5,000 in loan forgiveness if they stick it out as teachers. The goal is to clear financial barriers for prospective teachers who worry about low pay and college loan debt.

House Bill 1001 would raise the income threshold for teachers in training to apply. It would open up the aid to student teachers from families with moderate incomes — those earning up to 300% of the level set for Pell Grants, the federal aid program for students from low-income families. The bill also would permit student teachers to work in other states in some circumstances.

The bill would offer loan forgiveness to principals and special service providers as well as classroom teachers and school counselors. It also would remove a requirement that applicants teach in a rural school or in certain subject areas in a high-poverty school.

State Rep. Cathy Kipp, a Fort Collins Democrat co-sponsoring the bill, said the program has shown that it can attract more people to the teaching profession and increase the diversity of educators.

“This bill has made an enormous difference in student teachers’ lives, which corresponds to getting more highly qualified and licensed teachers into the classroom, so that our kids can have the best experience,” she said.

State Rep. Barbara McLachlan, a Durango Democrat, and state Sen. Rachel Zenzinger, an Arvada Democrat, are also sponsoring the bill.

The proposal did receive some scrutiny from Republican lawmakers, who asked if the bill could be expanded to educators at charter schools. While the committee did not add that provision, the bill still garnered Republican support.

Expanding program eligibility would help prospective students like Lauren Levey, a University of Colorado Boulder student. Levey, 19, who shared her experience with lawmakers, said she’s seen many students decide not to go into the teaching profession because they’re worried about the cost of certification tests and relatively low pay.

She said she works three jobs to save money and realize her dream of becoming a teacher. Many students have reported fear of having to pay back a large college loan debt.

“I’ve seen people drop out of college completely because it becomes too much of a stressor and starts affecting people’s mental health and other aspects of their lives,” she said. “It’s a lot of pressure.”

She said expanding eligibility for financial help will keep even more students on track to becoming a teacher.

“I do think it’s for sure going to sway people back into the profession,” Levey said.